[31][32] The rising tensions within the Algerian regime can be traced back to the beginning of Bouteflika's rule which has been characterized by the state's monopoly on natural resources revenues used to finance the government's clientelist system and ensure its stability.

[30] During his tenure as president, the power center in Algerian politics shifted from the east to west, most particularly to Tlemcen, where some became highly placed figures in the media, administration, and police.

[38] Since 2005, and especially after his stroke in 2013, Bouteflika's ability to govern the country was called into question: rumors of his death were frequent as he was often hospitalized, no longer spoke and made very few written statements.

[43] According to El Watan, overbilling for public works and misleading descriptions of imported goods were two common corrupt practices, facilitated by cronyism at the highest levels.

[68] The private channel Dzaïr News reported that one million people demonstrated across Algeria on 1 March, which was also the first time state television broadcast images of the protests.

[76] Another signed message announced that if re-elected, a national conference would be convened to adopt reforms as well as a new Constitution – to be approved by referendum – and that he would not take part in the next presidential election which he promised would be held early.

[88] On Tuesday, protests and student strikes continued, thousands were in the streets of Algiers,[89] Constantine,[90] Oran, Annaba, Bejaia, Tizi Ouzou, Bouira, Blida, Setif, or Tlemcen.

[93][94] In reaction to the Friday demonstrations, the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research moved the spring university holidays forward to the next day (10 March) and extended them by two weeks in an effort to calm matters down.

[14] On 17 March, the newly appointed Prime Minister announced the intention of forming a government of politically unaffiliated experts, which would "reflect the demographics of the Algerian society".

[105] On 26 March, in a speech given in Ouargla and covered live on Algerian television, Ahmed Gaid Salah urged the Constitutional Council to declare Bouteflika unfit.

The following day, the Army Chief of Staff (who had been appointed by Bouteflika to replace General Mohammed Lamari after his 2004 election)[30] insisted both privately and publicly that he resign immediately, which he did.

Though it had regained some power at the expense of the "clan" centered around Saïd Bouteflika—including the Armed Forces chief of staff—McDougall added that "[s]ome observers and activists believe that the army as an institution now wants to stay out of politics and might even support the "clean-up" of corruption that protesters demand.

[citation needed] Ennahar TV reported that five billionaires were arrested on 22 April 2019: four brothers from the Kouninef family, close to Saïd Bouteflika, and Issad Rebrab, the CEO of Cevital.

It was also reported that the power broker military chief Ahmed Gaid Salah called for "dialogue", but the president of Rally for Youth Action, a civil society organisation, expressed his refusal to negotiate with "symbols of the old system.

"[126] On Saturday 4 May, the former president's younger brother, Saïd Bouteflika, was arrested along with former secret service head General Mohamed Mediene ("Toufik") and intelligence chief Athmane Tartag [fr; ar] ("Bachir").

[152] On 20 March 2020, Algerian protesters heeded a presidential order over the coronavirus, and the pleas of some of their own leaders, by not staging their weekly demonstration against the ruling elite on Friday for the first time in over a year.

Benadouda encourages comparison to pirate radio in Europe in the 1970s and has discussed government crackdown on journalists (Khaled Draini) and opposition figures (Karim Tabbou).

[157][158] A constitutional referendum had previously been announced in July that was to be held in November as a result of the protests earlier in the year, but critics said it fails to address popular concerns of overreach by the government.

[177] Algerian activist Hamza Hamouchene captured the following on his iPhone: "Algeria, country of heroes that is ruled by zeros", "System change ... 99 percent loading", "We need Detol to kill 99.99 percent of the gang" [referring to members of the regime] And this one from a medical student: "We are vaccinated and we have developed anti-system IgGs (antibodies) ... and we keep getting boosters every Friday" "The problem is the persistence of idolatry and not the replacement of the idol" Some slogans were directly targeting French complicity and interferences: "France is scared that if Algeria takes its independence it would ask for compensation for the metal it used to build the Eiffel tower" "Allo Allo Macron, the grandchildren of November '54 are back" In reaction to calls by Gaid Salah to apply article 102 of the constitution, so the leader of the upper house would take over with elections to be held 90 days after the presidency is declared vacant by the constitutional council, people replied: "We want the application of article 2019 ... You are all going" "We asked for the departure of the whole gang, not the promotion of some of its members" "Batteries are dead so no need to squeeze them" "Dear system, you are a piece of s*** and I can prove it mathematically" "Here Algeria: the voice of the people.

[187] On 4 March, Nadia Madassi, Canal Algérie's nightly news anchor for the past 15 years, resigned because she had been required to read a letter attributed to the president on the air.

[14] Citizens' associations and individuals created the Dynamiques de la société civile alliance on 15 June, which was later joined by trade unions, with the aim of coordinating proposals to reorganise the political structure of the Algerian state.

The Network for fighting against repression was created on 1 June 2019 to call for the release of prisoners including Louisa Hanoune, the first woman to run for President of Algeria, and Hadj Ghermoul, a member of the Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights [fr].

[193] In late December, several weeks after the presidential election won by Abdelmadjid Tebboune, the CNLD had documentation of 180 "Hirak" prisoners under remand or sentenced, and saw "no sign" of the government ceasing its frequent arrests of the protesters.

[202] On 28 February 2019, the economist Omar Benderra asserted that a deep separation exists between civil society and the Algerian government, which outlawed street protests twenty years ago, and which he wrote is controlled by "warlords".

Public opinion, Benderra continues, is suspicious of official government communication and has also begun to show signs of frustration with spiritual leaders urging the people to stay off the streets.

"[65][204] Writing on openDemocracy, Hamza Hamouchene, a founder of the London-based Algeria Solidarity Campaign, summed up his view of the context of the revolt: This decisive awakening on the part of the people and their growing political awareness are harbingers of good things to come and of the stormy days ahead for the profiteering caste and their foreign backers who have been scandalously enriching themselves.

In the midst of increasing pauperization, unemployment, paralyzing austerity, the pillaging of resources, uneven development and corruption, the rationality of the current revolt and rebellion becomes absolutely clear.

[206] "The protests did emerge in part in response to elements of Algerian social life," wrote Amir Mohamed Aziz, "but they need to be situated in a broader context of African, Mediterranean and transnational political-economic dynamics.

Army chief Ahmed Gaid Salah and "the ruling class," she wrote, "are counting on the lure of elections to divide and weaken protesters' calls for a transition outside the framework of a constitution that keeps the regime in the driver's seat.

"[207] Ahmad Al-Sholi thinks that the Algerian regime is very entrenched and enjoys a good leverage generated by the revenues of the oil industry, a 'surplus' with which it could "co-opt large swaths of the population and oppositional forces.