[11] The IAPI replaced middlemen and groups that managed exports, buying agricultural and livestock products from producers at a fixed price, and negotiating sales with the external buyers.

It derived the surpluses of these operations to investments in capital goods, the nationalized financial system and essential raw materials for manufacturing; thereby transferring income from the agriculture to the booming industrializal sector.

Faced with the post-war crisis and in an attempt to recover in better conditions, the countries demanding raw materials from Europe made the decision to group together in cartels for the purchase of these products, called monopsonies.

During World War II and after it, the pound sterling ceased to be convertible into other currencies, which complicated the foreign trade of Great Britain, which by 1945 was accumulating international debts seven times greater than its reserves of dollars and gold, weakening its ability to maintain investments abroad, such as railways in Argentina.

In this context, under the conditions of the Marshall Plan, the United States demanded that the balances accumulated in pounds be convertible to any currency, which allowed it to inject dollars into the world economy and consolidate American commercial hegemony.

Ports, grain elevators, power plants, hydroelectric dams, and oil refineries were developed, alongside the creation of a merchant fleet and investments in coal and petroleum exploration.

Infrastructure achievements included the Ezeiza International Airport, irrigation systems, rural sanitation, and national parks, all fostering modernization and economic self-reliance.

The third section, "Elder Rights" provides for assistance, housing, food, clothing, physical and moral health care, recreation, work, tranquility, and respect.

For example, the reform added the following phrase to the Preamble, alluding to the three pillars of Peronism: "...the irrevocable decision to establish a socially fair, economically free, and politically sovereign nation."

Another example is Article 40, which guaranteed decisive state control over the economy in areas such as energy, public services, and foreign trade, as well as in sectors where private monopolies or oligopolies operated.

During 1948, the Austrian physicist Ronald Richter presented President Perón with a project to develop controlled nuclear fusion, a possibility that at that time no laboratory in the world had achieved, and which resulted in a topic of great interest because it would imply having a practically inexhaustible source of energy.

On March 24, 1951, almost simultaneously with a successful flight of the Pulqui plane directed by Tank, Perón announced through a message read and transmitted by radio to the entire country that at the Atomic Energy Pilot Plant on Huemul Island, located 8 kilometers from San Carlos de Bariloche (and which belonged to the CNEA from 1949 to 1975), thermonuclear reactions were carried out under controlled conditions on a technical scale.

The next day, Richter himself reported that the thermonuclear fusion reaction would provide non-polluting, unlimited and cheap energy, with lower costs in relation to the process followed in foreign countries.

The announcements caused great concern (although not surprise) in the governments of the United States and England, who thanks to the actions of their intelligence services knew precisely the large number of German technicians who arrived in Argentina after the fall of the Third Reich.

However, in September 1952, President Perón appointed 32-year-old physicist José Antonio Balseiro to evaluate the viability of the scientific work at the Huemul Island Atomic Energy Plant, coming from England where he was conducting nuclear research.

Facing only token UCR and Socialist Party opposition and despite being unable to field his popular wife, Eva, as a running mate, Perón was re-elected in 1951 winning with 62% of the votes, with a margin of over 30%.

The Argentine company Siam gained great momentum, expanding mainly due to its sales in products such as scooters, fans and other appliances that the local market demanded.

Its industrial capacity allowed it to start producing refrigerators in 1948 at a rate of 11,000 annually, reaching 70,000 units ten years later, becoming the largest Latin American company, with more than nine thousand employees.

The Second Five-Year Plan symbolized a critical turning point, as it sought to strike a delicate balance between fostering growth, managing external vulnerabilities, and ensuring the sustainability of Argentina’s long-term economic goals.

These external difficulties translated into domestic economic pressures, as the nascent industrialization process demanded increasing amounts of foreign currency to import capital goods essential for growth.

This stagnation stemmed from a combination of inconsistent policies and a lack of technological innovation, as most government initiatives favored urban industrial development over rural advancements (Falivene, 2018).

Consequently, the agricultural sector’s stagnation not only hindered its own development but also created a bottleneck for the broader economic strategy, as industrial growth remained heavily dependent on external financing.

Divisions among Peronists intensified, and the President's worsening mistrust led to the forced resignation of numerous valuable allies, notably Buenos Aires Province Governor Domingo Mercante.

He also accelerated landmark construction projects slated for the CGT or government agencies; among these was the 41-story and 141 m (463 ft) high Alas Building (transferred to the Air Force by a later regime).

Amid the chaos, Peronists civilians burned to the ground the Socialist Party headquarters and the aristocratic Jockey Club (both housed in magnificent turn-of-the-century Beaux-Arts buildings).

A stalemate of sorts ensued between Perón and his opposition and, despite austerity measures taken late in 1952 to remedy the country's unsustainable trade deficit, the president remained generally popular.

Given what he felt was as solid a mandate as ever and with inflation in single digits and the economy on a more secure footing, Perón ventured into a new policy: the creation of incentives designed to attract foreign investment.

Arturo Frondizi, who had been the centrist Radical Civic Union's 1951 vice-presidential nominee, publicly condemned what he considered to be an anti-patriotic decision; as president three years later, however, he himself signed exploration contracts with foreign oil companies.

Though much of Argentina's media had, since 1950, been either controlled or monitored by the administration, lurid pieces on his alleged relationship with an underage girl named Nélida Rivas (known as Nelly),[42] filled the gossip pages.

"[47] Perón's biographer, Jill Hedges, argues that "the concept was hardly novel" in Argentina, and rumours of political figures having affairs with young girls in domestic service or similar positions were common, which did not make the story stand out amongst the other anti-Peronist allegations of the smear campaign.