This led to accusations of vote buying by those wealthy enough to pay for the registration of indigent electors, however the practice was so prevalent all those candidates who were ultimately successful used the tactic.
This measure granted limited self-rule to the settlers in New Zealand, who had grown increasingly frustrated with the colonial authorities (and particularly with the nearly unlimited power of the Governor).
There was concern amongst many settlers that the "uncivilized" Māori would be, if enfranchised, a voting bloc with the numerical strength to outvote Europeans.
[citation needed] Despite the exclusion of Māori and of women, New Zealand's voting franchise appeared highly liberal when compared to that of many other countries at the time.
At the time of the passing of the Constitution Act, an estimated three-quarters of the adult male European population in New Zealand had the right to vote.
Supporters of this change intended the measure as a temporary solution, as a general belief existed that Māori would soon abandon traditional customs governing land ownership.
[6] In recent history, a number of people have continued to call for the abolition of the seats, including Winston Peters, the leader of NZ First party.
[10] In 1867, with the passing of the Municipal Corporations Act,[11] parliamentary members admitted in debates that it contained no provision to prevent women from voting at the local level.
An 1867 editorial in the Nelson Evening Mail explained: Initially, voters informed a polling officer orally of their chosen candidate.
As the restrictions on suffrage in New Zealand excluded fewer voters than in many other countries, this change did not have the same effect as it would have had in (for example) Britain, but it nevertheless proved significant.
New Zealand women finally gained the right to vote in national elections with the passage of a bill by the Legislative Council in 1893.
The growth of women's suffrage in New Zealand largely resulted from the broad political movement led by Kate Sheppard, the country's most famous suffragette.
Seddon, though a member of Ballance's Liberal Party, opposed women's suffrage, and expected it to be again blocked in the upper house.
This extension of the franchise occurred in part in an atmosphere of increased student interest in politics due to the Vietnam War protests.
[20] Becroft believes this may be one way to counter the trend of youth disengagement from democratic processes and declining levels of voting at the legal age.
(One party-list candidate in the 2002 election, Kelly Chal, could not assume her position as a member of parliament because she did not meet that criterion.
Nineteenth century Prime Minister of New Zealand Harry Atkinson was a known advocate of a proportional voting system, though he was largely ignored at the time.
Subsequently, voter discontent grew even greater when many citizens perceived both Labour and National to have broken their election promises by implementing the policies of "Rogernomics".
In response to public anger, the Labour Party established a Royal Commission on the Electoral System, which delivered its results in 1986.
Both Labour and National had expected the Commission to propose only minor reforms, but instead it recommended the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system already used in Germany.
A second binding referendum was subsequently held alongside the 1993 general election on 6 November 1993, with voters choosing whether to keep FPP or change to MMP.
Statistics released following the 2011 election found that non-voting was particularly prominent amongst the young, poor and uneducated demographics of New Zealand.
[37] Massey University's Professor Richard Shaw has discussed this issue, arguing it is important for the health of public conversation that voices of the community are heard equally.
Shaw notes that, over time, systematic disengagement from voting has the potential to erode the legitimacy of a political system.
[38] Former Labour Prime Minister Sir Geoffrey Palmer has expressed support for the introduction of compulsory voting to counter this trend.
[39] The implementation of such a sanction might be modelled alongside an Australian compulsory voting system which inflicts a small fine upon non-voters.
Whilst the possibility of compulsory voting has gained some traction, then-current Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern expressed her hesitation, saying that compulsion is an ineffective way to foster democratic engagement in non-voting demographics.