Hong Kong–Mainland China conflict
[citation needed] After 1997, Hong Kong experienced problems integrating with the Chinese mainland over economic, cultural, and political issues.
[2] On the economic side, the Hong Kong government pushed for several controversial policies, such as the Individual Visit Scheme, an integration plan with the Pearl River Delta, and the construction of high-speed rail.
However, due to the rise of Chinese economic and political power, Hong Kong transitioned its approach to providing education, culture, and civic resources to China.
Although the Hong Kong government attempted to move the electoral system towards universal suffrage, the pro-democracy camp of the Legislative Council rejected incremental progress.
Localist Democracy advocates adopted an aggressive all-or-nothing strategy that directly confronted the central government and derailed any hope of moderate political reforms in Hong Kong.
[5] Hong Kong is a society under British influence that has different values, languages, cultures, and economic circumstances than mainland China.
These differences, as well as issues regarding the allocation of resources between Hong Kong and the mainland, were widely considered to be the primary cause of conflict.
[36] CY Leung's first public announcement on policy as Chief Executive-elect was to impose a 'zero' quota on mainland mothers giving birth in Hong Kong.
Supporters argued that mainlandisation would lead to more counterfeit and fake products, rampant corruption, and the abuse of power, and Hong Kong risked becoming another mainland city.
Issues such as vandalism, disobeying rules, freedom of speech, displaying hateful messages, and respecting different opinions came into the spotlight.
[59] The radar station at Tai Mo Shan was secretly opened, against the Garrison Law, which states that "the locations and boundaries of the military restricted zones shall be declared by the government.
On 26 May 2015, Gu Zhuoheng, owner of Sing Pao Daily News, was almost abducted by mainland authorities after landing at Hong Kong International Airport.
Smugglers use speedboats to illegally bring goods from Hong Kong to mainland China without paying tariffs, including meat and ginseng.
[71] A cargo vessel, believed to have collided with the officers' boat, was found later with 1000 boxes of frozen meat, destined for mainland China.
Hong Kong was ruled by the British based on the system of letters patent from the 1850s to 1997, whereas China has been under the control of the Chinese Communist Party from 1949 onwards.
However, in the Pro-democracy camp, the focus is on the "two systems" approach, where Hong Kong, while acknowledging that it is a part of China and thus has an obligation to cooperate with it, should strive to develop more democratic institutions and preserve freedoms and human rights to achieve prosperity.
In 2017, Reporters Without Borders, which examines freedom of press in 180 countries and regions, ranked Hong Kong at 73rd in the world,[104] a drop from 18th place in 2002, 34th in 2011, 54th in 2012, 58th in 2013, 61st in 2014, and 70th in 2015.
[104] Hong Kong Journalists Association attributes this to increasing self-censorship within the industry, due to staff members not wanting to upset people in Beijing in fear of retaliation or loss of future opportunities.
[106] Jason Y. Ng, writing for the Hong Kong Free Press remarks that, "The post-handover era has witnessed a series of ownership changes in the media industry.
Self-censorship can also take the form of personnel changes, including management reshuffling in the newsroom and discontinuation of influential columns.
[citation needed] The Pro-Beijing camp argue that these new immigrants are to help combat an ageing population as well as bringing new talent into the city.
[110] The pro-democracy camp, however, sees the one-way permit scheme as a tool for Beijing to gradually change the population mix in Hong Kong and integrate the city with China.
A majority of immigrants from the mainland tend to cast their votes in favour of pro-Beijing politicians during elections for district councils and the legislature.
[114] In 2015, The University of Hong Kong governing council rejected the appointment of the recommended candidate Johannes Chan (Dean of the Faculty of Law 2004–2014) to the post of pro-vice-chancellor in charge of staffing and resources.
The governing council's decision, the first time that a candidate selected by the committee has been rejected, is widely viewed as political retaliation for Chan's involvement with pro-democratic figures.
[116] Since the end of 2014 Hong Kong protests, professors and lecturers with pro-democracy views or sympathies have experienced media smear campaigns from pro-communist newspapers, harassment from paid Pro-Beijing mobs, cyber-attacks, unrenewed contracts, rejection of jobs or promotions, suffered demotions or blocked from taking senior management positions by university councils, where most members are appointed by the Chief Executive, who are loyal to Beijing.
The second was held in 2005 after the NPCSC interpreted a provision in the Hong Kong Basic Law regarding the chief executive's term of office.
"[120] During the 2014–2015 political reform period, after months of public consultations, the NPCSC issued its decision to allow Hong Kong to have universal suffrage in 2017, with the caveat that candidates would have to be approved by a nominating committee.
[121][122] This triggered the 2014 Hong Kong protests, with many protestors calling it "fake democracy" and political screening that is not genuine universal suffrage.
The returning officers believed the candidates were not sincere about complying with Article 1 of the Basic Law (that Hong Kong was an inalienable part of China), thus they were disqualified.
