Following World War I, areas designated by the Allied states (predominantly France, in defiance of Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points) which called for plebiscites, Northern Hungary was ceded to the newly established Czechoslovakia, according to the Treaty of Trianon (1920).
Diplomatic relations between Hungary and Czechoslovakia were re-established following the signature of the Treaty of Trianon of 4 June 1920, which set the new borders between the two countries by ceding much of Upper-Hungary to the new Czechoslovak state.
Nevertheless, Hungary still hoped that some of its lost territories, particularly the southern strip inhabited by the Magyars, might be returned by diplomatic dialogue or a military attack.
[5] Immediately after its foundation, strong anti-Hungarian sentiment manifested in Czechoslovakia and many historical monuments representing the Austro-Hungarian Empire were destroyed.
These territories were returned to Czechoslovakia when Hungary was defeated at the conclusion of World War II by the Treaty of Paris (with the exception of Carpathian Ruthenia, which was annexed by the Soviet Union).
Following this military action, pointing to the controversial nature of the Slovak-Carpathian border, Hungarian troops began to engage in Eastern Slovakia.
Slovakia started to seek protection from Hungarian revisionism through Germany, which promised to guarantee its sovereignty and territorial integrity by signing the Berlin treaty on March 23, 1939.
Nevertheless, the Kremlin was unable to overcome Berlin's influence in Hungary, which played the role of protector against Slovak revisionism and promised new territorial concessions in Yugoslavia in autumn 1941.
The Slovak and Hungarian declaration of war on the Soviet Union in June, and the UK and the US in December 1941 finally cemented the fall of both states under the influence of the Axis.
This dependence froze the revisionist hopes in Bratislava and Budapest as Berlin refused to raise the issue of border changes until the end of the war.
[18] The "Budapest Treaty" of 1977, between Hungary and Czechoslovakia, was a plan to tame the Danube and increase its navigability with levees, dams, locks, overflow channels, and designated flood plains, and to generate hydroelectricity.
Since both Slovakia and Hungary were aspiring for EU membership at the time, in 1995 Hungarian prime minister Gyula Horn along with his Slovak counterpart Vladimír Mečiar were pressured into signing a bilateral treaty.
Hedvig Malina, a Hungarian student from Horné Mýto, Slovakia, made claims of being physically assaulted in a hate crime incident.
[26] In December 2007, Slovak police released a video tape of the initial hearing to Malina's lawyers, who are now claiming irregularities in the way the interview had been conducted.
[32] On 1 November 2008, a football match between DAC Dunajská Streda and Slovan Bratislava was disrupted by Slovak riot police after only 15 minutes injuring more than 60 people, many of whom lost consciousness or suffered injuries including concussion and broken jaws.
[33] flags with Árpád stripes, favoured by the extreme right in Hungary, were being waved and the home crowd sang the Hungarian national anthem before kickoff.
[33] According to The Budapest Times press report from the scene, police failed to act against Slovan supporters who were throwing smoke bombs, noise grenades and other missiles on the pitch.
[citation needed] After the EU handed over the list it found in breach with regulation accepted by Slovakia by being a member the Government told the press it will keep its attention on the process of the modifications and will report again if the result after deadline it considers unsatisfactory.
Spokesman Peter Stano stated: "It is obvious that the Party of the Hungarian Coalition was unable to question the reliability of Vollebæk report, that law is following the legitimate goal and it's in accordance with all international norms.
[54][55] In August 2009 the Hungarian president, László Sólyom, planned a visit to the Slovak city of Révkomárom/Komárno to unveil a statue commemorating Saint Stephen of Hungary.
[62][63] On August 26, 2009, a few days after the Komárno incident, two Molotov cocktails were thrown at the Slovak embassy in Budapest, causing no casualties as the flammable fluids did not ignite or detonate.
[66] On August 27, 2009, one day following the armed attack on the embassy, a Hungarian driver attempted to run the diplomatic car of Peter Weiss off the road while driving in the Budapest traffic.
[74][75] Slovak political scientist Miroslav Kusý claims that by adopting such scientifically questionable rhetoric Fico aims to "strengthen national consciousness by the falsification of history".
The Slovak National Party has sidelined a long-planned joint textbook with Hungary and is promoting instead a Slovak-centred view of the country's patchwork past.
[79][80] Radical Slovak politician Jan Slota stated that as many Hungarians live on both side of the Danube, the next step by them after getting their citizenship can be the demand of being annexed back to Hungary.
The bill was criticized by opposition members, former Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány wrote in his blog 'The law wants to heal the injuries of Trianon but only makes new ones.'
In an August 23, 2011 statement President of Slovakia Ivan Gašparovič opposed erecting a sculpture in János Esterházy's memory in Kosice, saying that the one-time deputy had been a follower of Adolf Hitler and fascism.
Marek Trubac, the Slovak president's spokesman, told MTI that Esterházy is considered a war criminal in Slovakia, "for supporting fascist ideology".
Though Esterházy did vote against the anti-Jewish bills, he also welcomed (former Hungarian regent) Miklós Horthy's "fascist troops" that occupied Kosice, the spokesman added.
[88] Hungarian President Pál Schmitt said "it is unacceptable that János Esterházy, this true democrat and humanist, still qualifies as a war criminal in Slovakia".