[4] Another possible partially logograpic writing, dLAGABxIGI-gunû, has been identified on a fragment of a vase found in Tell Agrab; the name was formerly read as Shara, but as pointed out by Giovanni Marchesi and Nicolo Marchetti, it would be unusual for this Mesopotamian god to be worshiped in this area.

[8] In the Ugaritic alphabetic script, Išḫara's name was usually rendered as ušḫry, though a single instance of išḫr has been identified in the text RS 24.261,[9] written in Hurrian.

[11] Thorkild Jacobsen's attempt to demonstrate that Išḫara's name was derived from the West Semitic root *šʿār, "barley",[25] is also regarded as implausible as no sources treat her as an agricultural goddess, and none of her epithets connect her with grain.

[32] Her role differed from that of Kura and Barama, who were also connected to the royal family, but seemingly functioned as a divine reflection of the reigning monarch and his spouse, rather than as dynastic tutelary deities.

[58] Alfonso Archi notes that in Ebla Išḫara sometimes received weapons as offering, much like Hadad, Resheph and Hadabal,[59] which according to him might indicate she had a warlike aspect as well, which he considers comparable to a similar characteristic of Ishtar.

[8] This term is vocalized as ḫulmiẓẓi[12] or ḫulmiẓẓu and is a cognate of Akkadian ḫulmiṭṭu, as well as Hebrew khómet (חֹמֶט), which refers to a type of reptile in Leviticus 11:30, and Syriac ḥulmōtō, "chameleon".

[76] Incised images of scorpions presumably reflecting this animal's connection with Išḫara have been identified on two late Babylonian legal documents signed by prebendaries linked to her.

[83] Lluís Felieu notes that while Išḫara was associated with various male deities in different time periods and locations, most evidence does not indicate that she was believed to have a permanent spouse in other traditions either.

[85] In a number of Mesopotamian love incantations, she is paired with almanu, a common noun of uncertain meaning whose proposed translations include "widower", "man without family obligations", or simply "lover".

[102] Ishtar (written logographically as dINANNA[103] or syllabically as daš-dar[104]) already appears alongside Išḫara in Eblaite texts, including a ritual performed by the royal couple which involved statues of both of them, in which she is referred to as Labutu, a cognate of her well attested Akkadian epithet lābatu ("lioness").

[85] While Wilfred G. Lambert proposed in 1980 that Išḫara was sometimes regarded as the wife of Dagan,[24] and this theory is repeated as fact in older reference works such as Jeremy Black's and Anthony Green's Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia,[117] in a more recent study Lluís Feliu arrived at the opposite conclusions.

[85] Feliu additionally points out that Lambert relying on this assumption also wrongly concluded Išḫara was one and the same as Ḫabūrītum, a goddess who represented the river Khabur who is also attested in association with Dagan in Mesopotamia.

[119] A number of sources attest the existence of a connection between Išḫara and the medicine goddess Ninkarrak, including an Old Assyrian treaty, a curse formula from Emar, and a god list from Mari.

[127] It represented a tradition deeply rooted in the Eblaite territory, which encompassed the area located between the modern border between Syria and Turkey in the north up to Emesa (Homs) and Qatna in the south, and from Jebel Ansariyah in the west to Emar and the Euphrates in the east.

[137] In Darib near Ebla, possibly to be identified with modern Atarib, Išḫara was invoked in connection with the funerary cult of deceased Eblaite kings, alongside a god associated with this locality whose name is not preserved and the divine pairs of Hadabal and his nameless spouse, Resheph and Adamma and Agu and Guladu.

[135] A single Eblaite document attests that Išḫara was asked to purify the royal garden, though this location was more commonly associated with the local form of the god Ea,[139] Ḥayya.

[30] Alfonso Archi considers this to be an example of a broader phenomenon, as with the exception of Kura the deities worshiped in this city who might have originated in a substrate are largely absent from the onomasticon, which might indicate that the name giving patterns in Ebla reflected not the popular religion in the documented period, but rather a more archaic tradition.

[14] Alfonso Archi presumes she was already worshiped there in early periods, much like in Ebla, and the evidence from the Emar text corpus, which has been dated to fourteenth and thirteenth centuries BCE, deals with the continuation of her already well established cult.

[35] Išḫara is one of the deities invoked in a curse formula in an Old Babylonian inscription found in the citadel of Aleppo alongside Dagan, Sin, Nergal and Shamash, but the section focused on her is not preserved.

[165] Additionally, seven names of deportees from the Upper Khabur area between Sinjar Mountains and Mount Abdulaziz invoke Išḫara, including those of three men, Ḫabdu-Išḫara, Išḫara-malakī and Pandi-Išḫara, and four women, Išḫara-damqa, Išḫara-naḫmī, Išḫara-nērī and Išḫara-ummī.

[31] Išḫara of Išur is also referenced in a later treaty between Ibal-pi-El I [pl] of Eshnunna, Sîn-kāšid of Uruk and Sin-Iddinam of Larsa, known from an unprovenanced copy, in which an oath formula of the first of these three kings invokes her, Sin, Tishpak and Adad.

[5] She is additionally attested in personal names from the Chogha Gavaneh site in western Iran, which in the early second millennium BCE was a predominantly Akkadian settlement possibly connected to the kingdom of Eshnunna.

[181] The earliest example is a text from Puzrish-Dagan mentioning offerings made to her, Allatum, Annunitum, Ulmašītum and the pair Belet-Šuḫnir and Belet-Terraban by Shulgi-simti, a wife of Shulgi.

[196] In a treaty between Assyria and a king of Apum, Till-abnu (reigned in the middle of the eighteenth century BCE) from Tell Leilan (Shubat-Enlil), Išḫara appears as one of the divine witnesses.

[231] According to Julia Krul she was presumably introduced to the local pantheon in the late first millennium BCE due to her well attested connection with Ishtar documented in god lists, similarly to Ninsianna.

[242] Buildings designated by this term are mentioned in Anatolian texts written in Hurrian, Luwian and Hittite, but their earliest attestations go back to Upper Mesopotamia and northern Babylonia in the early second millennium BCE.

[245] It was read in this context as katra or katri, and the women designated by it were otherwise only involved in the worship of the so-called "Goddess of the Night",[246] a Hurrian deity[247] whose name was always written logographically and as such remains uncertain.

[250] During this celebration, which was meant to guarantee good fortune for the royal couple, she received offerings alongside "Teshub Manuzi," Lelluri, Allani, two hypostases of Nupatik (pibithi – "of Pibid(a)" and zalmathi – "of Zalman(a)/Zalmat") and Maliya.

[253] An incantation from this site written in Hurrian but using the local alphabetic script (RS 24.285 = KTU3 1.131) is focused on her and invokes her to guard the land (as far as) poplar-filled Emar to Ṣiyurašše, Mudkin to Nirabe, Yabla to Alliše, Naštarbi to Šidurašše, Tunanab to Šaydar, (and) Ugarit to Zulude!

[254]All of the toponyms listed appear to be pairs consisting of a city located on the Euphrates and another close to the Mediterranean coast, and on this basis Jacob Lauinger proposes that the intent might be to delineate the borders of the former kingdom of Yamhad.