[4] In July 2020, the Indian government appointed a top career diplomat, Joint Secretary Gourangalal Das, the former head of the U.S. division in India's Ministry of External Affairs, as its new envoy to Taiwan.
There was no mention, however, of the One China policy by either party in the formal communications exchanged between Nehru and Zhou Enlai at the time of India's recognition of the PRC.
The same year Western countries increased pressure on the then ROC President, Chiang Kai-shek, to recognise the legality of McMahon Line in order to isolate Beijing.
Some U.S. officials, such as Navy Admiral Harry D. Felt, the Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Pacific Fleet from 1958 to 1964, also encouraged Chiang to use the opportunity to strike mainland China from the east while part of its military was occupied by the border war.
The ROC Ministry of Foreign Affairs's reaction was somewhat mixed, and based upon pragmatism and its fundamental priority of containing Communism at the same time, with the PLA deemed a constant existential threat to its government in the 1960s.
The statement also noted that the ROC believed "a fair and reasonable solution" should be found were the mainland to be reclaimed, "that there was absolutely no need to use force", and insisted that the attack against India allegedly "violated the traditional peace-loving spirit of the Chinese people".
The Vice President of the ROC, Chen Cheng, also condemned the PRC as the "initiator and the aggressor" in the war in a November 1962 statement, again citing ideological differences rather than territorial ones as largely being responsible for the outbreak in hostitilies.
Chiang had also rejected America's official recognition of the McMahon Line, and further rebuffed Admiral Felt's call for Taiwan's counterattacking the mainland (even with an assurance from John F. Kennedy that the U.S. would support the ROC with all its strength), saying that were he to do so, he would be scolded by all the generations of Yanhuang, or the descendants of the ancient Chinese people.
Despite Nehru's pleas and Felt's repeated urgings, Chiang firmly refused to change his stance; regardless of his personal feelings for Nehru or his alliance with the Americans, he considered himself a Chinese nationalist first and foremost, and therefore placed the interests of his nation as he saw them before either, and while reclaiming the mainland was indeed a major priority for him, he seemingly felt it dishonorable to attempt doing so while mainland China was actively engaged with another nation.
[17][18] After the border conflict, Nehru returned to Santiniketan and prepared to make a passionate speech condemning "Chinese aggression", but purportedly softened after seeing in the audience his old friend of thirty years, Tan Yun-Shan, a famous scholar who had dedicated his life to building friendship between their two civilizations and who had helped organize Chiang and Nehru's earlier meetings, and instead of his official speech, insisted that the quarrel was not with the Chinese people but between their governments, and that China's people would always be India's friends.
The article also noted that around February 1963, despite their earlier estrangement, Nehru even sent his "personal good wishes to the Generalissimo", and had welcomed Chinese Nationalist agents skilled in countering internal Communist insurgencies and widespread espionage to India.
Wayne Sanford, a CIA paramilitary officer stationed in New Delhi, later recalled in October 1965 reuniting with a Taiwanese commander whom he had known from the ROC's evacuation from the Dachen Islands during his visit to an Indian border outpost, where the two of them reminisced about happier times as they shared a drink together.
[23] Gyalo had studied under the Chiangs' sponsorship in China, describing them as "unfailingly warm and gracious hosts" who treated him like a son and paid for all his expenses, and he "greatly admired" Sun's Three Principles of the People.
Although he remained loyal to his people's cause throughout the rest of his life, he long regarded the Tibetan system as stagnant and flawed, in desperate need of reform and modernization, and ignored some of his people's traditions, even marrying a fellow student Zhu Dan, whose brother and father were high-ranking officers in the KMT's navy and army respectively, and who worked in a Nanjing hospital caring for children and refugees after the Second World War.
After the Chinese Civil War, he and his wife moved to Taiwan for a year, then to the United States (with Chiang giving him $50,000 to complete his higher education and encouraging him to study hard), and finally to Kalimpong in West Bengal.
Around late 1964 after the border conflict, Gyalo visited the Chiangs one last time in Taiwan, with Chiang and his wife reportedly being "delighted" to see him again and open to his suggestion of cooperating with India, after which Gyalo introduced Director Wang of Taiwan's national security to Nehru's close associate Bhola Nath Mullik in New Delhi, beginning a long-term secret collaboration between the two governments.
[25] In February 1987, India's move to elevate the status of 'Arunachal centrally administered region' to the state of Arunachal Pradesh was declared null and void by Taiwan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
From 1971 to 1978, the MTAC also recruited ethnic Tibetan children from India and Nepal to study in Taiwan, with the expectation that they would work for a ROC government that returned to the mainland.
The Government of the Republic of China has always respected the traditional political and social structures of Tibet, and upheld the religious faith of its people as well as their freedom to have their own way of life.
[36] In the 2022 annual rally, DPP Legislator Lin Ching-yi, while citing the examples of Tibet and Ukraine, noted that, "Not only will an agreement with a dictatorship not guarantee that tanks will not roll in, it might even serve as an excuse for invasion.
[39] As a part of its "Look East" foreign policy, India has sought to cultivate extensive ties with Taiwan in trade and investment as well as developing co-operation in science & technology, environment issues and people-to-people exchanges.
[39] The India-Taipei Association[40] was established in Taipei in 1995 to promote non-governmental interactions between India and Taiwan, and to facilitate business, tourism, scientific, cultural and people-to-people exchanges.
[2][38] In 2007, Ma Ying-jeou, the leader of the Kuomintang, Taiwan's largest political party, and a major candidate in the 2008 presidential elections made an unofficial visit to India.
[47][48] In recent years, Taiwanese and Indian officials, along with a considerable number of netizens from their respective countries, have also actively supported each other through the Milk Tea Alliance, which seeks to rally citizens from Asian nations against common threats of authoritarianism.
[52] On 7 October 2020, after the Chinese government warned the Indian media to strictly adhere to the One China Policy, ROC Foreign Minister Joseph Wu tweeted: "#India is the largest democracy on Earth with a vibrant press & freedom-loving people.
Your warm regards remind me of fond memories from time spent in your incredible country, your architectural marvels, vibrant culture & kind people are truly unforgettable.
"[citation needed] On 16 October 2020, Wu Yu-chin, the DPP-affiliated chairwoman of the Taiwan-India Parliamentary Friendship Association commented that, "To be sure, China's relations with India have been tense.
"[55] In November 2020, Narendra Modi stated that Taiwan and India should strive to be as "inseparable as the body and the soul" in terms of working together and pursuing mutual cooperation into the future.
[56] In April 2021, according to the ROC Foreign Minister Joseph Wu, after the PRC applied significant pressure on the ROC's diplomatic ally Paraguay to permanently abandon its relations with Taiwan in exchange for vaccine shots (having already successfully pressured many of Taiwan's diplomatic allies in the region to switch recognition to mainland China), India was one of several countries who stepped in to help support the Taiwanese government, sending at least 200,000 Indian-made vaccines to Paraguay as a gift in an effort to offset Chinese influence.
[65][66] While Taiwan and India are two of Asia's leading democracies, both with fairly close ties to the United States and Europe, both sides continue to lack formal diplomatic relations.