István Győrkös
[3] Despite his rapid rise by the early 1990s to become the "leader of the neo-Nazis in Hungary", as a 1995 academic work by Sabrina P. Ramet referred to Győrkös,[4] not much was publicly known about him before the transition to democracy in 1989.
[9] Based in Győr, he founded the Hungarian National Socialist Action Group in 1989 (according to other sources, in January 1991), a fascist and neo-Nazi civil organization, which functioned under the cover of the Peregrine Falcon Hiker Association.
According to historian Tibor Tóth, the elderly and ailing Tarjányi-Tatár proclaimed Győrkös as his heir as the leader of the Hungarist movement.
Győrkös and his followers received inciting propaganda materials from the American-based NSDAP Development and Foreign Organization (NSDAP/AO) for his own periodical, Új Rend ("New Order"), according to an intelligence report.
On 18–19 January 1992, Győrkös and six other members were arrested after perquisitions which found and confiscated large arsenal of Soviet-era firearms, training grenades, gas pistols and other light weaponry.
Győrkös's arrest was part of an international cooperation between authorities to take action against far-right movements (in the same days, Küssel was detained in Austria).
[10] Some argue that, Győrkös actively played in the organization of that event when a group of far-right young skinheads hissed and booed President Árpád Göncz, who delivered his annual memorial speech at Kossuth Square on the national day of 23 October 1992.
The Nouvel Observateur wrote about Győrkös in June 1993, that he is "a convinced neo-fascist, who most overtly emphasizes in interviews that he works for the preparation of a National Socialist state in Hungary".
They announced the party foundation in a joint press conference on 27 April, under scandalous circumstances (along with Szálasi quotes, portrait, Nazi salutes and Hungarist uniforms).
After that Szabó founded his new party, the Hungarian Welfare Alliance (MNSZ), and the loose confederation between the neo-Nazi organizations gradually broke up, even after the death of Tarjányi-Tatár in 1995.
[13] Due to the organizational work with the skinhead groups, the MNA remained the only major Hungarist organization by the second half of the 1990s (while Albert Szabó abolished his party and returned to Australia).
As manifestation of this status, the first Day of Honour was held on 15 February 1997, which commemorated the Hungarian and German (mostly Waffen-SS) soldiers (they called "heroic defenders"), who died fighting against the Soviet troops in the Siege of Budapest.
The MNA represented an "elitist attitude" and considered the skinheads as "incapable", because he thought that "they were not suitable for determined work to build the nation", as he told in an interview.
The Hungarian branch of the Blood & Honour quit from the MNA in 2001, and other skinhead organizations such as the Hungaria Skins also broke the relationship with Győrkös' movement.
Adopting several Communist elements, he called his new ideology with "Neo-Hungarist" term (which, he argued, responds to the challenges of the modern age), consequently isolating himself and the MNA within the far-right sphere (while PHM remained the most notable representative of "orthodox Hungarism").
[15] In November 2012, the MNA and the Hungarian Workers' Party led by Gyula Thürmer held a joint protest in Érd during an official eviction.
[2] In November 2013, Győrkös organized an event called "Night of Purification" (in analogy to Kristallnacht) across the country, but with very limited participation, where bonfires were made from books written by Jewish authors (especially Miklós Radnóti's poems) and left-wing newspapers, which declared "soul poisioning" by the MNA.
[20] Several experts criticized the unprofessional procedure and the lack of cooperation between the National Bureau of Investigation (NNI) and the Counter Terrorism Centre (TEK).
Despite intelligence reports, which confirmed that Győrkös owned firearms and explosives illegally, the NNI had sent only two detectives, while did not inform the TEK of their authority procedure, despite the general instruction of the Ministry of Interior in similar situations.
The website also reported that the injured Pálvölgyi, who did not die immediately, was inaccessible within the house for half an hour, despite the fact that dozen of police officers arrived the scene just after the shooting.
Kolos Győrkös expressed their condolences to Pálvölgyi's family, but also added that his father was already wounded when returned the fire and killed the police officer.
His lawyer, György Léhner insisted that his client bought the Kalashnikov rifle ten years ago after receiving a death threat.
[27] Minister of Interior Sándor Pintér declared Pálvölgyi, who had been serving as a police officer for 25 years, as "hero", and also posthumously promoted him to lieutenant colonel.
[29] Zsolt Molnár, the Socialist Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee on National Security convened the committee to investigate the question of adequate action by the law enforcement and discuss indispensable steps to prevent members of "far-right paramilitary groups" from obtaining guns, while the Democratic Coalition called the crime as an "act of terror" and added, the real threat to the Hungarian security comes from the extreme right groups, and not the migrants, as the Fidesz government campaigned in the 2016 migrant quota referendum.
[14] On 2 November, Népszava published a photo where Jobbik MP and foreign policy expert Márton Gyöngyösi and Gábor Szalai, a journalist of the Hídfő.ru and a former member of the MNA, breakfasted together and discussed in a café.
[32] On 5 November, Fidesz-backed 888.hu published a photo, where Jobbik leader Gábor Vona and István Győrkös, Jr. together were present on the occasion of Nowruz at the Iranian Embassy in Budapest.
Fidesz MP and deputy chairman of the committee Szilárd Németh urged authorities to investigate the "linkage between far-right paramilitary groups and the foreign [Russia] and domestic politics [Jobbik].
