Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir

He created the Muslim Printing Press, inaugurated two weeklies called al-Islam and Rahnuma, and published the first translation and commentaries of the Quran in the Kashmiri language.

The Jamaat's first large ijtema was organised in Srinagar in late 1945 which was attended by between seventy and a hundred people including government servants, youth and traders.

[1] After the Partition of India, the Jamaat activists based in Srinagar, favoured Jammu and Kashmir to join Pakistan while at that time most Kashmiri Muslims rallied behind Sheikh Abdullah, who was pro-India.

[12] In October 1954, at a special meeting held in Barzalla, Srinagar, Sa'aduddin was elected as the President of the organisation by a large majority.

The National Conference's autocratic rule and the perception that it had sold Kashmir's interests to India caused a disillusion with that organisation among Kashmiri youth began enlisting as Jamaat members or came to sympathise with it.

[16] The Jamaat in particular appealed to lower middle class young men from towns such as Srinagar, Baramulla and Sopore and were typically from the first generation of educated members of their families.

[19] The JIJK came to conflict with the Indian state throughout the 1960s since it questioned the legality of India's administration of Jammu and Kashmir and demanded that the matter be solved by a plebiscite in accordance with UN Resolutions.

[20] In addition to the event of the relic's theft, corruption, unemployment and poverty in the state contributed to Kashmiri hostility to Indian rule.

Due to the JIJK's strident and consistent challenge to the Indian control of the state it earned increasing support from growing numbers of Kashmiri Muslims.

Part of the reason JIJK felt a need to establish its own schools was the feeling that the Indian educational system was threatening Kashmir's Islamic culture.

This was a tactical compromise as JIJK wanted to employ democratic means to expand its influence and prepare for the gradual acquisition of the government machinery.

[26] The JIJK still saw its electoral participation in a positive light since it expanded their message to a wider audience and successful JIJK candidates took an active role in the State Assembly by opposing proposed un-Islamic laws, arguing in favour of Islamic alternatives and raising the question of Jammu and Kashmir's disputed status, arguing that India had failed to conduct a plebiscite in Kashmir as it had promised.

[30] The Jamaat contested the elections in 1987 as part of the Muslim United Front which was fought on the platform of advocating the establishment of rule by the Quran and Sunnah.

On August 25, the Majlis-e-Shura (Consultative Body) of JeI held a meeting at Nowgam, Srinagar and decided to field its members as independent candidates after the Election Commission of India announced the polls, first time in a decade, for UT of J&K.

The Soviet-Afghan jihad and the Islamic Revolution in Iran were becoming sources of inspiration for large numbers of Kashmiri Muslim youth.

[citation needed] Both the pro-Independence Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) and the pro-Pakistan Islamist groups including JIJK mobilised the fast growing anti-Indian sentiment among the Kashmiri population.

[32] Although the Jamaat held the view that Kashmir was disputed territory it continued until the late 1980s to insist on using talks, rather than armed insurrection, to resolve the issue.

[33] In 1980 the Indian Supreme Court sentenced JKLF leader Maqbool Butt to death and large protests took place in Kashmir against this decision.

JIJK leaders believed that Butt should be allowed to defend himself but at the same time asserted that they were bound by the Constitution and wanted to resolve issues through democratic methods.

Reasons for this included increasing repression by the Indian state and the realisation that if it did not join the armed struggle it could lose its popularity to the JKLF.

Students from the schools were often recruited for arms training in Pakistan and "infiltrated back to carry on their subversive activity" (according to J&K Insights quoted by Terrorism Research and Analysis Consortium[36]).

In 1989 Hizbul Mujahideen (HM) was adopted as the group's "militant wing" allegedly under the influence of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence.

[39][40] Prior to the ban, 300 members of the organisation, including its leaders, were arrested under preventive detention laws and raids were conducted.

[40] The tribunal constituted by the Home Ministry upheld the ban, after examining substantial number of documents and depositions by witnesses.

[41] On 27 February 2024, the Ministry of Home Affairs in India extended the ban on Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) Jammu and Kashmir for five more years.

This included an National Investigation Agency case highlighting the organisation's collection of funds intended to promote violent and secessionist activities.

The NIA chargesheet further revealed that these funds were allegedly used by operatives of terrorist groups, such as Hizbul Mujahideen and Lashkar-e-Taiba, to incite public unrest and spread communal tension.