[6] He was active in the Conservative Party, served in the provincial diputation[7] and in 1881-1886 held a seat in the Cortes;[8] his career marked the economic and political climax of the family.

[9] His son Javier Ramírez Orúe (1871-1943)[10] in 1897[11] married Manuela Sinués Lambea from the neighboring Gallur (died 1943);[12] she was daughter to local terrateniente family, also enriched during the desamortización.

[27] It is not clear to what extent he was involved in management of the massive rural economy of his father; some authors claim he was barely related to his native Tauste,[28] but in public he at times appeared as “agrario”.

[33] There is no evidence of Ramírez Sinués’ public engagements during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship; information on his activity during the early Republican period is confusing.

[55] In terms of political strategy he joined the faction which supported a general monarchist alliance; in 1935 Ramírez was among signatories of the newly founded Bloque Nacional,[56] entered its local Aragonese presidency[57] and appeared in some common propaganda initiatives.

Western Aragón was easily seized by the Nationalists during the first week of the conflict and it seems that as teniente de reserva[61] Ramírez joined rebel units.

Following initial ritual declaration of loyalty to Franco, which nevertheless contained references to “delicada misión” and “más imparcial rectitud”,[74] Ramírez was noted in public as engaged in conventional administrative tasks, marked by confronting shortages and hardships of wartime era.

[78] In late August 1939[79] Ramírez was released from his post in Soria and appointed to the parallel role of civil governor of Álava,[80] where he replaced another Traditionalism-related gobernador, Francisco Sáenz de Tejada y Olozaga.

His term was unusually long compared to other governor appointments of this period, which barely endured 2 years;[82] it was related to Ramírez’ personal links with Serrano Suñer[83] and Rodezno.

[85] In political terms Ramírez was trapped in internal power struggle between radical Falangists, generic conservatives and Carlists, but scholarly opinions on his role differ.

One author claims that his arrival provided a new impulse for implementation of falangism in the province,[86] though he suggest that the key role was played by the new provincial FET leader, Alfonso Sanz Gómez.

[88] One more scholar maintains that under his leadership national-syndicalism in Álava was reduced mostly to declarations, and that in fact traditional conservative groupings gained predominance by integration within the regime structures.

[90] Faced with the conflict between Oriolista-dominated diputación provincial and local Falange, Ramírez tended to side with the former,[91] and supported individuals of Carlist background endangered by purges.

Some authors suggest that in Álava he fell victim of the new practice of unifying the roles of civil governor and provincial FET leader, but they do not shed light on termination of his official career in general.

Informally he maintained links with so-called Rodeznistas, the faction co-operating with the regime and increasingly leaning towards dynastical leadership of the Alfonsist pretender, Don Juan.

[106] Another of his isolated political appearances was dated 1969, when following expulsion of the Javierista pretender Don Carlos Hugo the Franco regime was eager to demonstrate that caudillo still enjoyed unconditional Carlist support.

Ramírez appeared along “former traditionalist combatants” led by Ricardo Oreja Elosegui; in name of their fellow ex-requetés the group delivered the loyalty address.