While trying to revive her grandson, warming him, she prayed to John the Baptist, promising that if the newborn survived, he would be his namesake and would not cut his hair until the age of three, when he would march in the procession of 24 June dressed as the saint.

[36] The Vargas administration was in a deep crisis;[37] the workers, unsatisfied with their low wages,[38] were promoting strikes,[39] and the right-wing party National Democratic Union (União Democrática Nacional – UDN) was mobilizing a coup d'état among the mass media, the upper-middle class, and the military forces.

[59][60] After the suicide of Vargas, from whom he received a copy of the Carta Testamento,[61] Goulart became very depressed, thought about moving away from politics and, according to Maria Thereza, it took him two months to recover from the shock, after retreating to his resort in São Borja and taking care of business.

[69] Goulart's candidacy for the vice presidency caused controversy in conservative groups such as the Armed Forces, a feeling that increased after the General Secretary of the Brazilian Communist Party Luís Carlos Prestes voiced his support.

[73] A large part of the media in Rio de Janeiro positioned itself on legality and the Minister of War, General Henrique Teixeira Lott, sought to keep the Armed Forces out of the crisis.

[84] When Nereu assumed power, Luz did not get support from the Governor of São Paulo Jânio Quadros, and when he realized that the leaders of Army groups were legalists, he ended the coup attempt.

[93] As a result of the countercoup, in March 1956 the Frente de Novembro was founded by Colonel Canabarro Lucas, with legalist, nationalist, and left-wing military personnel, led by Lott (declared anti-communist) and with Vice-President João Goulart as "President of Honor".

[107] By not allowing other officers to make political statements, Lott caused a crisis that ended with Kubitschek putting both the Frente de Novembro and the Clube da Lanterna into illegality.

[109] At the end of the government, the economy became unstable[110] and in the difficulty of implementing measures that would help the poorest sectors of the population, Goulart began to believe that the 1946 Constitution no longer represented social reality.

[116] For researcher Maria Celina D'Araujo, the PTB "sought a militarized democracy, through the alliance of military units, union and party..."[117] Due to Lott's electoral weakness, the informal candidacy "Jan-Jan", or "Jânio-Jango", appeared.

[121] Quadros created a conservative ministry composed of military personnel, made moral prohibitions – such as banning the wearing of bikinis on television – and in foreign policy sought to be independent, which caused sympathy from the left.

[121] In commissions initiated to "punish acts of corruption and embezzlement of public money," Goulart was hit by investigations that pointed to him as a beneficiary of electoral propaganda and had his response denied by the president.

[124] On a scale in the USSR, Goulart was received with honors as Head of State by Nikita Khrushchev, where he also met cosmonaut Gherman Titov, who had just carried out the mission Vostok 2[127] and Yuri Gagarin.

[139] In Paris, on 28 August, Goulart's public statements were superficial, as he knew little about the situation in Brazil, but with the arrival of Congressman Carlos Jereissati, he decided to delay his return,[140] sensing a civil war.

[141] By telephone, San Tiago Dantas spoke of the "possibility of the collapse of the democratic regime in Brazil" and Kubitschek gave the idea of parliamentarianism, which Goulart accepted as a non-violent option.

[162] Goulart took over the country in a military crisis, external and internal debts and powerless to carry out his reformist projects,[163] but having a majority in the National Congress, he hoped to be successful on the basis of agreements, besides showing the unfeasibility of the new system of government.

[171] Goulart's Basic Reforms plan (Reformas de Base) was a group of social and economic measures of nationalist character that ushered in a greater state intervention in the economy.

[172] In a reply he stated that "we will never recognize war as an instrument capable of resolving conflicts between nations" and sent a letter to Fidel Castro with the same concerns as the US government, but standing against the invasion.

In the morning, General Floriano Machado informed the president that troops loyal to the coup were moving from Curitiba to Porto Alegre and that he had to leave the country, otherwise risking arrest.

The MDB, however, had no real power, and the military rule was marked by widespread disappearance, torture, and exile of many politicians, university students, writers, singers, painters, filmmakers, and other artists.

On 27 March 1964, he wrote a top secret cable to the US government, urging it to support the coup of Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco with a "clandestine delivery of arms" and shipments of gas and oil, to possibly be supplemented by CIA covert operations.

Gordon wrote: "If our influence is to be brought to bear to help avert a major disaster here--which might make Brazil the China of the 1960s--this is where both I and all my senior advisors believe our support should be placed."

[183] US President John F. Kennedy had discussed options on how to deal with Goulart with Gordon and his chief Latin America advisor Richard N. Goodwin in July 1962 and determined in December 1962 that the coup was necessary in order to advance US interests.

[citation needed] In March 1976 in the town of La Plata, the Argentine Army dismantled a group of right-wing terrorists planning to kidnap Goulart's son and demand a high ransom in cash.

[186][187] In July 2008, a special commission of the legislative assembly of Rio Grande do Sul, Goulart's home state, concluded that "the evidence that Jango was willfully assassinated, with knowledge of the Geisel government, is strong.

"[188] In March 2009, the magazine CartaCapital published previously unreleased documents of the National Intelligence Service, created by an undercover agent who was present at Goulart's properties in Uruguay.

[192] In 1984, exactly twenty years after the coup, filmmaker Sílvio Tendler directed a documentary chronicling Goulart's political career through archive footage and interviews with influential politicians.

[citation needed] Most are located on Rio Grande do Sul, in the municipalities of Alvorada, Ijuí, Novo Hamburgo, Porto Alegre, Viamão, and in Goulart's native São Borja.

[citation needed] On 15 November 2008, Goulart and his widow Maria Thereza received political amnesty from the federal government at the 20th National Congress of Lawyers in Natal, Rio Grande do Norte.

[197] This led the Goulart family to raise a lawsuit for moral, property and image damages against the United States, with the desire to eventually take the case to the World Court.