[3] In the mid-18th century its branch settled in Levante;[4] accumulating land in the Valencia province they grew to regidores and, by means of marriage, entered the aristocratic strata.

[5] Joaquín's paternal grandfather, Jose Pedro Manglano y Ruiz[6] (1819-1900),[7] gained new aristocratic titles,[8] in 1867-1868 served as a Cortes deputy[9] and emerged as one of the most prestigious local personalities.

Joaquín's father, Luis Manglano y Palencia (1863–1937), inherited some of the titles and most of the real estate wealth, adding also new honors to his collection;[10] until the 1910s in public realm he was noted mostly as leader of aristocratic Valencian Catholic organizations.

The young Joaquín, apart from having been first noted as joining Orden de Montesa in 1909,[38] during his academic years engaged in emerging Catholic initiatives; they are currently classified as falling somewhere in-between Christian Democracy and Social Catholicism.

[41] In the mid-1910s he was also active in the Valencian Centro de Jovenes para la Defensa Social and together with his father took part in initiatives bringing together various breeds of ultra-conservative groupings, apart from the Conservatives including the Integrists and the Jaimists.

Political environment was extremely complex: according to a present-day scholar he was supposed to represent the Maurists and two Carlist groups, the mainstream Jaimists and the local breakaways, named Paquistas, who even set up La Gaceta de Levante to support the campaign.

[50] In 1919 Manglano decided to try again, though political setting was already entirely different: with Maura serving as the prime minister, barón de Cárcer was to stand as a governmental candidate with all electoral pucherazo infrastructure at his disposal.

[53] During the brief term in the parliament he emerged as a rather active newcomer and was noted mostly as outspoken advocate of governmental support for catholic trade unions,[54] supposed to provide a bulwark against “red workers”.

It is not clear how Manglano approached the end of liberal democracy; however, in January 1924 he was recorded as admitted by the dictator at a personal meeting, when probably Cárcer offered his support for the new regime.

Already in the 1910s active in corporate organizations and pressure groups of orange producers, in the early 1920s he emerged as a fairly belligerent speaker, at the Valencian Asamblea Naranjera[63] comparing their militants to soldiers who recognized no limits.

[78] Neither his exact position nor role is clear; referred to either as regidor,[79] concejal[80] or teniente de alcalde, he was noted as engaged in trade, scholarship,[81] festivities[82] and local suburban administration.

[87] In the early months of the Republic Cárcer, initially appearing at good terms with local authorities,[88] engaged in conservative meetings[89] united with his old-time rival, Chicharro.

[94] During his early career Cárcer had many close encounters with the Carlists; as a teenager he met them at joint Integrist meetings,[95] negotiated their support when running for the Cortes[96] and by some newspapers was even once reported as their candidate.

[107] According to some sources he was sent to the Spanish African prison outpost in Villa Cisneros, where he was finally converted to Carlism[108] and joined the movement as part of "Grupo de Villacisneros".

[113] In the diet he joined commissión de guerra[114] and indeed remained very active on military-related issues: proposed his own draft on NCOs organization,[115] discussed officer retirement rules,[116] navy armament,[117] operations of the carabineros[118] and above all, demanding larger share of the budget for the army.

[119] One of the most active Carlist deputies, Manglano addressed also a number of other questions, ranging from public space[120] to schooling[121] and prison services,[122] with rice and orange production dedicated due attention as well.

[127] He shared the generally uncompromising and fiercely anti-Republican party line, on the one hand lambasting CEDA and Gil-Robles[128] while on the other demanding harsh measures against Manuel Azaña, charged with supporting the 1934 revolution.

Member of the Carlist wartime executive, in early 1937 he advocated acceptance of amalgamation of Carlism into Falange Española Tradicionalista,[144] though he refrained from taking part in last-minute attempt of internal coup within the party.

[150] When speculating about his nomination scholars consider Francoist policy of keeping different political families in check by balancing their influence,[151] Cárcer's good relations with Serrano Suñer[152] or pressure on part of pro-Carlist Army of Levante commander, general Orgaz.

[154] He denounced them as disguised Leftists,[155] did his best to get the Falangist military unit, Bandera Valenciana, dissolved,[156] and appointed Traditionalists to key positions in party and administrative structures.

[157] In later reports he was denounced as sabotaging unification, spending party money on Traditionalist propaganda[158] and allowing Carlist youth to prowl the streets shouting “Viva el Rey”.

[176] Minor but lasting projects were construction of a new bus terminal, building food markets, especially the central Mercado de abastos,[177] and re-claiming heritage sites.

[180] Setting new straight major throughways was already in the 1940s lambasted as childish and anti-social, as it led to destruction of historical boroughs and demolition of existing houses with no replacement provided.

Though as mayor of a provincial capital Cárcer was entitled to enter the 1943-created Francoist diet, Cortes Españoles, once he stepped down as alcalde he lost also the parliamentary ticket; his term lasted merely 2 months.

He is noted as member of many committees and groups,[210] taking part in a number of parliamentary debates of moderate importance, e.g. those shaping the rural fiscal regime[211] or regulating women's access to juridical jobs;[212] only some, like nationalizing of Banca de España, the move he fruitlessly opposed,[213] carried a lot of weight.

[214] In 1967 Cárcer was not appointed to Consejo Nacional; it is not clear whether his religious zeal carried him too far away or whether himself he decided to test his popularity in the newly opened pool of Cortes mandates, up for grabs in semi-free elections from the so-called tercio familiar.

Together with a number of other Traditionalists Cárcer attempted to mount a counter-strike; in an open 1974 letter to Carlist leaders expulsed by the Hugocarlistas, Zamanillo and Valiente, he advocated merging all traditionally-minded Carlist factions - Hermandad del Maestrazgo, Centro Zumalacarregui, Regencia de Estella, Circulos Vazquez de Mella – into a new Comunión, which would "form part of Movimiento Nacional and serve Catholic faith and Spain" under the orders of Franco and the future king, Juan Carlos.

[226] After the death of Franco and during dismantling of his regime Cárcer withdrew from politics and public life, as octogenarian hardly active in aristocratic Catholic organizations like Real Hermandad del Santo Calíz de Valencia, the congregation he presided.

Though some claim that the name honors ancient holders of the title,[229] militant democratic groupings demand that the street is purged according to the Ley de Memoria Historica regulations.

[230] From some viewpoints – present also in scholarly works – his name is noted when denouncing the current Spanish system as merely a "formal democracy",[231] in fact continuation of the Fascist Francoist setting.