Initially reluctant, Ciaccia's decision to quit practising law and accept the position was cemented by a case he had recently handled: where a "remorseless" client of his negotiating terms of a contract that would prove ruinous for the already financially strained other party.

Early in the campaign, Bourassa sought to make the issue a key pillar to the Liberal party platform, pledging to pursue the multibillion-dollar project if re-elected.

The Quebec Superior Court had recently granted the Cree and Inuit a temporary injunction, essentially shutting down the project[16] costing the government an estimated $500,000 a day.

[18] In exchange for ending further legal obstruction to the project, Ciaccia initially offered affected native communities a reported $100 million in royalties[19] along with increased hunting and fishing rights.

In early February 1974, Cree and Inuit leaders officially refused the offer, stating that land concessions and recognition of native rights throughout Quebec—not money—were the main sticking points.

Ciaccia publicly suggested native leaders were overstating their peoples' genuine opposition to the project, offering to personally travel North to gauge the reaction himself.

In the early hours of November 12, 1975, Cree and Inuit leaders signed the landmark treaty which granted them a combined 60,000 square miles in land rights and $225 million over 20 years.

[22] James O'Reilly, one of the lawyers representing the native groups, praised Ciaccia's level-headed approach during negotiations, "playing it cool" in the face of emotionally charged discussions.

[37] Ciaccia was a vocal opponent of the Parti Quebecois' 1977 landmark Charter of the French Language, characterizing the legislation as one "that restricts our liberties and a vision which will result in the phasing out of the English [community in Quebec].

[39] In the run-up to May 20 vote, Ciaccia raised concerns that voters in Montreal areas with significant immigrant populations (who mainly opposed succession from Canada) were being excluded from the list of electors.

[45] The Montreal Gazette editorial board attributed Ciaccia's decision to a "sad unwritten rule" that only francophones could aspire to high political office in Quebec.

Soon after he became minister, a federal probe confirmed what many had already suspected: consumers in Quebec were paying up to an extra $500 million a year for imported gasoline due to insufficient refining domestic capacity.

"[54] In addition, high gas prices persisted in outlying regions despite a measure in the 1985 budget which lowered the gasoline surtax by 10 percent compared to the rest of the province.

Ciaccia accused the Mulroney Conservatives of stalling on the construction of the Matane mill in the economically depressed Gaspé, a project they had endorsed during the previous federal election.

[66] The federal and provincial governments reached a joint funding agreement valued at over $25 million[67] October 1987 in which Donohue Inc (of which Quebecor Inc held a majority stake) would build and operate the Matane plant.

Koken, president of Abitibi-Price Inc called Ciaccia's attempt to bring a plant to Matane "a disservice to the industry," adding that public funds "should not be used to prolong uneconomic activities.

[77][78] Gazette columnist Don MacPherson, previously critical of Ciaccia, praised him for showing "heroism of a different kind in deciding to try to continue to defend minority interests within the cabinet...

[81] Despite the criticism from sections of the anglophone community, Ciaccia comfortably retained his seat in the 1989 general election, defeating Equality candidate Nat Bernstein by 5,165 votes.

[84] On January 22, 1990, 5 months before the deadline for reaching an agreement, Ciaccia responded to these criticisms in The Globe and Mail, framing the Accord, "Not as final chapter in our constitutional history, but as a stepping stone upon which we can build a solid future.".

[85] Contrary to Trudeau's claim that any reference to a "distinct society" was an insult, Ciaccia highlighted how recognition of cultural differences are arguably a key part of the Canadian identity.

The failure of Meech is generally as the principal driving force behind the rebirth of the sovereignty movement in the early 1990s, and the subsequent defeat of the Quebec Liberals to the Parti Quebecois in 1994.

Ouellette showed Ciaccia plans for the proposed golf course expansion, which included residential development, and claimed the city would lose $2 million should the project fail to proceed.

[86] In an attempt to resolve the situation, Ciaccia privately assured Ouellette he would find the $2 million, thus allowing the Mohawks to keep their sacred ground undisturbed, while at the same time compensate the municipality for tax revenue.

While some commentators praised[92][93] his repeated efforts to find common ground between both sides, others accused him of not taking a harder stance towards the Natives, thus giving the impression of a breakdown of law and order.

[99] After the meeting, Ciaccia told reporters that European lawmakers appeared to have some serious misconceptions of what had taken place during the crisis: namely that Ottawa has forcefully expropriated Mohawk land and that martial law had been declared.

"[99] According to a 1991 report on the crisis, released by the Six Nations Iroquois Confederacy, Ciaccia stated he felt undermined by the provincial police during negotiations to end the standoff.

[102] As minister, Ciaccia, visited over 40 countries including: Iran, Saudi Arabia,[103] Mexico,[104] Poland,[105] China, Vietnam,[106] Israel,[107] South Africa,[108] France,[100] Italy,[109] Egypt,[110] and the United States.

The following year, Ciaccia headed trade missions to Hungary and Poland with the goal of strengthening economic and cultural ties between Quebec and the former Eastern Bloc countries.

[122] On January 25, 1995, Ciaccia, along with 3 other anglophone MNAs (Thomas Mulcair, Geoffrey Kelley, and Christos Sirros) penned an opinion piece in the Gazette, denouncing Bill 40.

When asked if he faced pressure within the party to step aside, Ciaccia insisted the decision was made solely on his own accord, stating, "no one, no one, ever suggested that I shouldn't run again.