[9] A native of Portugalete and daughter of a prominent member of the emerging Biscay bourgeoisie, Lucien Urigüen,[10] she was heir to a commercial fortune and descendant to a Liberal, anti-Carlist family.

With the construction cost estimated at 4,4m pesetas and esthetical controversies raised, it was nevertheless applauded as a masterpiece of its time, combining technical innovation and high functionality.

Enormous scope of the project prolonged the construction work, plagued by a number of misfortunes, like strikes, fires and political instability; the complex was eventually officially opened in 1949.

[35] The building, its style described as eclectic or neo-baroque, gained recognition and indeed notoriety for its lavish finishing, including stained-glass windows, fountains and frescos;[36] some of its features bordered extravagance, like elevators which carried horses to and from the rooftop exercise ring.

[45] In 1909 Oriol replaced the ailing Lucas Urquijo at the helm of the enterprise;[46] though his term lasted only a year, he remained in management structures and contributed to the growth of Hidrola.

[56] In 1942 Oriol, taking advantage of his family-related position in the banking industry, provided financial backing to an idea developed by Alejandro Goicoechea, namely construction of a new generation, high-speed train.

[62] Already in the early 1930s Oriol accumulated or inherited enormous wealth, estimated at 70m pesetas; the bulk of it was formed by various Spanish securities (46m), complemented by urban properties (17m), rural estates (3m) and own industrial assets.

[64] During the Civil War the Basque government decided to expropriate him, but the measure was hardly applied as Biscay soon fell to the Nationalists,[65] and in the early Francoist era Oriol multiplied his wealth in a peculiar environment of highly regulated economy.

[72] In 1931 he launched and led Hermandad Álavesa, a broad regionalist Catholic conservative grouping;[73] the same year he took over a local daily, re-launched as Pensamiento Alavés and promoting the cause of Christian monarchism and Basque-Spanish loyalty.

[74] Within short period he gained a dominant position within the provincial Right and is named paradigmatic for the Rightist Basque caciquismo,[75] Álava sometimes dubbed his personal fiefdom.

[81] Initially he spoke vigorously in favor of a Basque-Navarrese autonomy draft[82] and called Jose Aguirre a “providential figure”,[83] supporting also the later Estella Statute[84] and even the third, Madrid-imposed version.

[86] At this point he advocated that the local Álava councils reject the autonomous statute,[87] which would indeed turn out to be the case,[88] leading Álavese delegations to Madrid and urging exclusion of the province from the autonomy works.

[97] As die-hard Carlists grew increasingly resentful of mixing with debris of the fallen usurper monarchy Rodezno stepped down, suggesting that Oriol replaces him.

[105] During initial days of the insurrection[106] Oriol was key to mobilizing local Álava support[107] and organizing Requeté units;[108] as a result, most of the province fell to the Nationalists.

[113] The Francoist pressure started to mount in 1937-1938, as positions of civil governor,[114] head of diputación[115] and provincial FET jefe[116] went to Falangist politicians, marking the end of “oriolista” domination.

[121] Though some sources claim that he entered the Falangist National Council[122] and became the regional FET jefe in Biscay,[123] the recent study insists it was José Maria,[124] who also approached the Alfonsist claimant Don Juan and started working towards rapprochement between him and Franco.

[127] None of the sources consulted offers any information on José Luis Oriol's engagement in post-unification Carlism, suggesting that there was indeed none and that he abandoned politics to dedicate himself to business, charity[128] and family life.

[133] As late as 1969 he paid tribute to Franco visiting him with a group of “old Traditionalists”,[134] reported by the press as fully aligned with Francoism and confirming that the last Carlist king was Alfonso Carlos.