In historiography he is known mostly as representative of Castilian terratenientes; as president of Confederación Nacional Católico-Agraria he tried to preserve the landowner-dominated rural regime, first opposing the Republican and later the Francoist designs.

The Lamamiés originated from the French Languedoc;[1] Etienne La Mamye de Clairac[2] was a military and held high administrative posts in Flanders in the late 17th century.

[49] He earned his name in history books already in 1908, when within a group of equally young 9 signatories – including Ángel Herrera Oria[50] - he co-founded Asociación Católica Nacional de Jóvenes Propagandistas,[51] later known as ACNDP.

[67] Press notes present him as an active and belligerent politician, concerned primarily with economic issues; given heavy debt burden of the city and financial problems ensuing,[68] in 1917 he supported governmental nomination of a new alcalde.

[81] Since the early 1920s he engaged heavily in works of local agricultural organisations; formally they posed as representing all rural stakeholders, but were usually dominated by landholders and adhered to the Catholic social doctrine.

[83] In 1923 he rose beyond the province as he became one of the leaders of confederation of agrarian syndicates in the region of León;[84] in 1925 it evolved into Confederación Nacional Católico-Agraria de las Federaciones Castellano Leonesas.

[90] In 1927 Lamamié was in executive of Unión Católico Agraria Castellano Leonesa; he tried to endorse its vision of rural regime[91] and took part in Congreso Nacional Cerealista;[92] also during following years he used to give lectures on organisation of agricultural labor.

[98] Following the fall of Primo Lamamié assumed more militant political stand; in 1930 he agonized about “grave situation in agriculture”[99] and demanded permanent consultative representation of landowners’ federations in Madrid;[100] indeed he was shortly nominated member of Consejo del Economia Nacional.

[106] He called to do away with ruling corrupted oligarchies,[107] but opposed the rising republican tide by lambasting “false liberties and democratic absurdities”;[108] according to his vision, Castile as the heart of Spain remembered that “en primer término Dios”.

[122] The 5 years spend in the Cortes marked the climax of Lamamié's career; though member of minor groupings, he became a nationally recognizable figure due to his oratory skills, vehemence and engagement in heated plenary debates.

Lamamié[123] “emerged as the most ardent Catholic opponent of state interference with the distribution of landed property”[124] and did his best to block the agrarian reform;[125] some count him among “defensores a ultranza de las viejas estructuras territoriales”.

[128] Though he lambasted alleged etatisme of Giménez Fernández,[129] at times he swallowed his “dislike of state intervention” and demanded governmental assistance by purchases of wheat surplus.

[137] During the constitutional debate of 1931 he ardently opposed stipulations he considered oppressive and unjust versus the Catholics,[138] warning that if the state turns against them, they “shall have no other remedy than to move against the Republic”.

[153] In 1933 latest he was put in charge of the propaganda section[154] and reportedly contributed to change of Carlist image; the movement was no longer perceived as antiquated group of senile veterans but as a dynamic organization of young militants.

[164] Though some scholars admit that initially Lamamié might have been willing to collaborate with the Republican authorities,[165] adopted “una postura suave y conciliadora” and only after 1933 turned into “integrista furibundo”,[166] they note that it did not take long before he started to view the Republic as a tyrannical regime[167] to be toppled sooner or later.

[173] In 1935 he engaged in virulent press polemics with his former protégé José María Gil-Robles[174] and was denounced by El Debate as running against the papal teaching;[175] in spite of it, in 1936 he half-heartedly assisted Fal in attempt to mount a right-wing electoral alliance.

However, he remained heavily engaged in conspiracy;[183] together with dynastical representative Don Javier and Manuel Fal he formed a triumvirate which co-ordinated works of all sections of the organization.

[188] In response his Madrid bank account was seized[189] and Republican press claimed a machine gun and loads of ammunition had been found in his safety deposit box.

[207] Don Javier considered Lamamié fully loyal and authorized him to enter ruling bodies of the unificated state party,[208] but he preferred to tone down his political engagements.

Relations with the emerging Francoist regime remained correct; the traditional confederative structure was affiliated within the newly established national syndicalist Servicio Nacional de Trigo and both organizations declared total mutual understanding.

[215] The first battleground was Catalonia, where on areas seized by the Nationalists the traditional local body, Instituto Agricola Catalan de San Isidro, tried to reassert its domination.

In April 1939 CNCA demanded that clear rules of the newly established Servicio Nacional de Cooperativas get published and underlined that traditional rural organizations did not enter SNC awaiting the moment it is legally defined.

Lamamié issued declarations which in a veiled way warned against arbitrary ministerial decisions, advocated co-existence of state and private bodies, and called for recognition of 3-layer rural organizations.

Despite repeated declarations of loyalty on part of CNCA and numerous assurances that in no way it posed a thread to syndical law,[220] conservative and Christian agrarians were getting increasingly pushed into the sidelines; also Lamamié lost steam and at one point admitted in relation to planned new regulations that “no tuvo ningún reparo que objetas sino por el contario le pareció muy bien”.

[227] He used to take part in confidential meetings; in 1940 when returning from such a session with a carlo-francoist general Ricardo Rada he suffered a car accident[228] and barely managed to dispose of related potentially damaging documentation before the Guardia Civil patrol arrived.

[233] During the climax of the Nazi might in Europe he advocated a neutral Spanish policy[234] and declared that individual Carlists were free to enlist to División Azul, but Comuníon would in no way endorse the recruitment.

[236] In 1943 he co-signed a large document addressed to Franco and known as Reclamación de Poder; its Carlist signatories called to do away with syndicalist features and to introduce a traditionalist monarchy.

[237] Though maintaining correct formal relations with official administration,[238] in the mid-1940s Lamamié counted among moderate anti-Francoists; during a 1944 monarchist gathering which included also the Alfonsists he voted against mounting a coup, intended to topple the caudillo.

[245] At that time he was already suffering from bad health and in the early 1950s he used a wheelchair;[246] however, in 1954 he accepted membership in the renewed party Junta Nacional and its acting governing body Comisión Permanente.

[247] In the mid-1950s the Carlist stand versus the regime changed from opposition to cautious co-operation; it was sealed by dismissal of Fal Conde and by José María Valiente assuming political leadership.