Commencing his political career at a young age, he emerged as a fervent advocate of free trade, liberalism, the exploitation of silver mines, and the establishment of a monopoly on mercury to facilitate the latter objective.
Linares served as Minister of the Interior and Foreign Relations in the third cabinet of José Miguel de Velasco, but due to differences with the "Restoration" movement, he had to go into exile in Spain.
His nose, aquiline and well-defined, added to the distinguished impression; his forehead, broad and unmarked, was believed by Walker to have hinted at a lack of necessity to conceal his thoughts.
His popularity increased significantly as a result, and after a short stint as Prefect of the Department of Potosí, he was called to assume the position of Minister of the Interior and Foreign Relations: "In taking this measure," stated Velasco in a communication dated 16 November 1839, "announcing to you your appointment, I have considered not only the notorious capacity and deep patriotism that you embody but also the outstanding and relevant services you have rendered to the cause of Bolivia's restoration".
[9] Finding the country in a state of chaos, Linares had to contain the revolutionary attempts of General Ballivián and the former allies of the fallen Protector, who seized every opportunity to sway public opinion in their favor.
Linares, in his function as Minister of the Interior and Foreign Relations, refused to ratify the humiliating treaties imposed by Peru, signed in 1829, and prepared for war.
Ballivián, in hiding but not defeated, raised arms in the same invaded departments; civil discord spread rapidly, and internal conspiracies hindered responses to external attacks.
Velasco, with Linares' support, spontaneously decided to hand over his entire army to Ballivián, an act that proved decisive and culminated in the Bolivian victory on the fields of Ingavi on 18 November 1841.
Invested with this position, he negotiated a treaty of peace and friendship with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Spanish court, Don Joaquín Francisco Pacheco, in which the independence of Bolivia was recognized.
However, just a few months later, Belzu, who had contributed more than anyone to overthrow Ballivián and had initially supported Velasco's proclamation, led a revolution in Oruro and proclaimed himself President of Bolivia.
[19] His tireless conspiracies are described by Walker Martinez in the following words:One could see him in Salta gathering around him some outcasts and invading the borders of Bolivia, crossing rough roads, ravines, and deep rivers, vast deserts, and facing all kinds of dangers.
Then, when Belzu's forces shattered his weak and naturally ill-prepared armies in those improvised campaigns, and the triumphant leader believed his enemy was reduced to impotence and completely annihilated, he could be found on the shores of Chile, or on the coasts of Peru, weaving the threads of another revolution, gathering the broken and scattered fragments of Bolivia's old parties, and arming his followers to attempt a coup.
In 1853, when he traveled from Salta to Valparaíso during the winter, a friend described the following: "He had lost his beard and eyebrows in the ice of the mountains; his skin was so tanned that he seemed completely black, his lips torn apart, his nature, in short, shattered but not defeated".
[22] Amidst the many small skirmishes and countless minor battles of that prolonged conflict, Linares arrived in the province of Chichas and reached Tupiza when least expected.
At that time, he had received reliable reports on the internal situation of Bolivia, knew how much the demoralized government of Córdova had fallen into disrepute, and judged the occasion opportune to overthrow the belicista regime.
Linares headed towards Cochabamba, whose entire population rebelled under the command of General Dámaso Bilbao la Vieja, erecting barricades in the streets of the city and proclaiming the linarista cause.
[31] His first acts as President were to abolish belcista fiscal policies regarding internal debt,[32] a major problem for the government in the first forty years since Bolivian independence.
Prefectures and high administrative and judicial positions were occupied by individuals who shared Linares' "regenerative" ideology; they believed the country needed a radical reform to emerge from the chaos they perceived.
His cabinet was formed as follows: finance, Tomás Frías; foreign relations and public instruction, Lucas Mendoza de la Tapia; development, Manuel Buitrago; war, General Gregorio Pérez; and government, cult, and justice, Ruperto Fernández.
[37] Means were also sought to pay off the internal public debt, which had been completely forgotten until then; free export of gold and other metals was allowed, and Frías was tasked with drafting a mining code needed by the country.
Tariffs on imported foreign fabrics through Arica and Cobija were reduced; regulations for joint-stock companies were also determined; and, among many other measures, the realization of a loan of one million pounds sterling in Europe was initiated, intended for the canalization of the Desaguadero and the construction of a road that, starting from this point, would reach the Bolivian coast.
A new criminal code was enacted, and various provisions were issued regarding the better organization of public offices, the creation of special commercial courts, salaries, and the accountability of employees, as well as regulations for the practice of law.
Historian Ramón Sotomayor Valdés describes the tensions as follows: "Since then, on Peruvian soil, a natural refuge for fugitives and emigrants from Bolivia, they found not only security but also facilities to conspire and constantly threaten the public order of their homeland.
This agreement was particularly beneficial for Bolivia since, in the same days it was signed in Lima, open conspiracies were underway in Tacna and Puno with the purpose of invading Bolivian territory.
Despite the agreement, the Peruvian government ignored these conspiracies and allowed the passage of Bolivian revolutionaries, who brought an armed force into Bolivia under the command of former President Córdova and General Ágreda.
Peru lost little to nothing, except for the maintenance of the army near the Bolivian borders, which, while primarily intended to monitor Bolivia's government movements, also served to control the revolutionary advances of Arequipa and Cuzco, departments hostile to Castilla's administration.
To execute the plan, on the morning of 10 August, some rebels positioned themselves in the main square in front of the Palacio Quemado, others in the side street running south, and the rest were ready to assault the barracks at the opportune moment.
Some of the accomplices of the crime were captured, necessary investigations were conducted, and after a process strictly adhering to the law, some were sentenced to death, including a Franciscan friar named Porcel, who had a questionable background.
Since dawn that day, vague and ominous rumors circulated in the city of La Paz, a peculiar and strange movement was noticed in the barracks, and more people than usual were seen entering and leaving the Palacio Quemado.
]Sirs: Not because I harbor the desire to rule again, much less any sinister intention, do I address you today, for in uncorrupted hearts, there is no room for anything unworthy, and the leadership, while I had it, was for me nothing but a torment, to which I could only have resigned myself due to my ardent love for Bolivia and my eagerness to seek the common good.