July Theses
The July Theses, publicized as an official document of the PCR Plenum in their final version of early November 1971, carried the title: Expunere cu privire la programul PCR pentru îmbunătățirea activității ideologice, ridicarea nivelului general al cunoașterii și educația socialistă a maselor, pentru așezarea relațiilor din societatea noastră pe baza principiilor eticii și echității socialiste și comuniste ("Exposition regarding the PCR programme for improving ideological activity, raising the general level of knowledge and the socialist education of the masses, in order to arrange relations in our society on the basis of the principles of socialist and communist ethics and equity").
The Romanian government began to permit greater liberties and treat its citizens better, including an amnesty of political prisoners and allowing more freedom of expression, such as in the nuances that were appropriate in literature.
[9][10] A talented oppositional generation of writers emerged, including Nichita Stănescu, Ana Blandiana, Gabriel Liiceanu, Nicolae Manolescu, and Adrian Păunescu.
[13] Censorship in Romania remained in place: Alexandru Ivasiuc and Paul Goma had both been imprisoned for their participation in the Bucharest student movement of 1956, and each wrote a novel about a man's prison experiences and efforts to readjust after his release.
Coca-Cola was not produced domestically, but could be found in bars and Comturist shops, stores with a restricted clientele where Western goods could be purchased in hard currency.
In 1968, the first student bar/club opened in Bucharest; a writer for Viața Studențească described "low tables, discreet light... chewing gum and cigarettes, Pepsi and Coca-Cola, mechanical games, billiards... plus a few hours of interesting discussions.
[19] Probably the high point of Romanian-American relations during the Communist period came early the following month, when tens of thousands of enthusiastic Bucharesters welcomed Nixon, who became the first US president to visit an Eastern Bloc country during the Cold War.
[20] Writing over three decades later, Sorin Preda, who arrived in Bucharest from Bacău as an 18-year-old in 1970, recalled the cultural scene: Inexplicably and in part miraculously, around 1970, time had slowed down all of a sudden.
For Leonce and Lena, the Bulandra Theatre was packed with people who'd come to give standing ovations for Ciulei, Pintilie, Irina Petrescu and Caramitru.
The Athenaeum and Opera would sell out shows for their entire run, while in bookstores, the works of Eliade, Noica, Preda, Breban, Țoiu or Nichita [Stănescu] were sold on the sly, with much pleading and insistence.
In disbelief and naive, people continued to go out, to fill the theatres and concert halls, while Ciulei, Pintilie and Andrei Șerban's bags were being prepared for their permanent departure from the country.
[1][22][23] He was impressed by what he saw, taking great interest in the idea of a total national transformation as embodied in the programs of the Workers' Party of Korea and the Cultural Revolution.
[1] Among these were: continuous growth in the "leading role" of the Party; improvement of Party education and of mass political action; youth participation on large construction projects as part of their "patriotic work" (muncă patriotică); an intensification of political-ideological education in schools and universities, as well as in children's, youth and student organisations (like the Union of Communist Youth and its affiliates); and an expansion of political propaganda, orienting radio and television shows to this end, as well as publishing houses, theatres and cinemas, opera, ballet, artists' unions, and promoting a "militant, revolutionary" character in artistic productions.
Zaharia Stancu and Eugen Jebeleanu, long associated with the communist regime, joined in protest with younger writers like Buzura, Păunescu, Popescu, and Marin Sorescu.
Leonid Dimov and Dumitru Țepeneag denounced the proposals on Radio Free Europe in Paris, and Nicolae Breban, editor-in-chief of România Literară, resigned while in West Germany and attacked the Theses in an interview with Le Monde.
Initial supporters of the Theses included Eugen Barbu, Aurel Baranga and Mihnea Gheorghiu; Nichita Stănescu also claimed to have received them with "a particular joy" and to regard them as "a real aid to culture".
While writers like Blandiana, Buzura, Ștefan Augustin Doinaș and Marin Sorescu refused to conform, maintaining moral and artistic integrity, Goma and Țepeneag were targeted for their readiness to challenge the PCR's cultural dictates.
[35] The two factions remained in open conflict for a decade, but by 1981 the PCR had rendered the Union impotent by freezing its funds and restricting its activities — no more Writers' Conferences were allowed after that year.
[44] Instead, with the greater emphasis on ideology, force, and centralisation, and with more funds, the protochronists remained more influential until the Romanian Revolution in 1989, having been reinforced by the "Mangalia Theses" in the summer of 1982.
The number of those allowed to study non-technical subjects at the university was sharply cut; fewer books were published; and the privileges formerly accorded to intellectuals were reduced.
Elena was portrayed as an exceptional chemistry researcher, winning many honorary awards and being appointed to a number of high positions within the scientific community.
