[2] Originally a member of the Dahomeyan Progressive Union (UPD), in 1946 he established the African People's Bloc (BPA), and was elected to the General Council shortly afterwards.

Apithy and Ahomadégbé-Tomêtin agreed to split the contested 18 seats in a southwest constituency among themselves as a result of a mediation performed by Félix Houphouët-Boigny.

It did not last long; soon, Ahomadégbé-Tomêtin broke from the union and, using the discontent among people over the increasing rarity of jobs in the country, incited demonstrations.

[6] At the end of September Ahomadégbé-Tomêtin convinced the trade unions that he owned to begin another strike for Maga's inability to promote national development and ensure the welfare of the working class.

The strike, which existed in Dahomey's capital of Porto-Novo and its largest city of Cotonou, became so serious that police forces used tear gas and ended when Maga sent down some faithful Northerners, carrying around bows and arrows and patrolling the streets at night.

[8] On May 26 Information Minister Albert Tévoédjrè notified Maga that Ahomadégbé-Tomêtin had plotted to assassinate the president but he and 11 other dissidents had been arrested.

Maga ultimately released them in November 1962, saying in a broadcast[note 1] that it was not only due to their good behavior in jail but also to reconcile with his former enemies.

[14] It was also marked by a series of violent outbursts; invalidated reports state that six people were killed or wounded at incidents in Parakou on the eve of the elections.

[15] Nonetheless, de Souza decided to nullify the results from Atakora, the region where Maga received the most votes,[12] on April 3.

[20] Apithy stated that he would convince his region to join Nigeria if Maga took the presidency and took steps to bribe his way into that office.

In contrast with the other three former presidents, Zinsou admitted that he had been defeated and decided participate in bargaining,[20] explaining that he rejected the idea of a coalition "for personal reasons".

[23] Maga's economic policies during his chairmanship helped quiet union leaders whose protests during his presidency had been intense.

With the national economy in a favorable position, Ahomadégbé-Tomêtin and the rest of the council could afford a number of luxuries, including three houses and three Mercedes-Benz 300 automobiles to be shared amongst themselves, and festivals for the anniversary of the founding of the triumvirate.

[26] By decree of Ahomadégbé-Tomêtin and the rest of the council, Togolese opposition leader Noe Kutuklui was officially expelled from Dahomey on October 27, 1971,[27] where he had been practicing law since the late 1960s.

It was at the request of General Étienne Eyadéma, president of Togo, as Kutuklui had been involved in several plots against Eyadema's military government.

Maga was unable to carry out his decision; Alphonse Alley protected Kutuklui and took him to an unknown place outside of Dahomey.

[29] According to its findings, Captains Glele and Pierre Boni were going to follow Kouandété until de Souza was assassinated, when they would eradicate their leader and insert Zinsou back into power.

"[33] It was believed that the triumvirate would continually undermine each other, and the simple transition of power was viewed as a positive step toward Dahomeyan unity.

The court tried 21 men besides Kouandété,[note 2][34] mostly military officers but also including several commoners and even Maga bodyguards.

[24] Another delayed function of the council was the formation of the Assemblée Consultative Nationale, an advisory assembly required by the 1970 constitution.

As per the constitution, such an assembly would contain 30 members advising councilmen on economic, social, and other issues, with Paul Darboux presiding.

It was not established until July 1972, due to, in the words of academic Samuel Decalo, "intensive horse-trading between the partners in the Presidential Council ... and pressures from their political lieutenants for a position in the Assembly.

It began with Pascal Chabi Kao being given a monopoly over selling official stationery to the Presidential Council and spread to claims of bribery and embezzlement.

[40] According to reports at the scene, soldiers abruptly arrived in the Cabinet room of the presidential palace and started firing bullets,[38] but no one was injured.

[22] After being released from incarceration, Ahomadégbé-Tomêtin was elected a member of parliament in 1991 under the National Rally for Democracy ticket and served at until 1995.

Le Matinal wrote an article on the man, entitled "Message from beyond: Ahomadegbe challenges Kerekou", questioning why "the perpetrators of crimes [are] so indecent as to shed crocodile tears".

More neutral was Fraternite, noting that "Ahomadegbe, whose political might was extraordinary, was among the most feared politicians in Benin's contemporary history.

"[43] Le Republicain compared his fall to that of a baobab tree, reflecting the mostly sad emotions that followed his departing.

Les Echos du Jour stated that "the dental surgeon who became president fought to the end against life and its mishaps, then against death ...