Justo Pastor Román Garrán Moso (1867–1942) was a Spanish Catholic lawyer, publisher and politician, related to Valladolid and Navarre.

In terms of politics Garrán approached various right-wing currents, in-between maurismo, Integrism, corporativist Christian Democracy, primoderiverismo and Francoism, yet he was most associated with Carlism.

[6] Justo's father, Mauricio Garrán Román (1827–1898),[7] graduated as engineer; initially posted to Tarragona, he briefly worked as jefe of Obras Públicas in Pamplona and Burgos, until in the mid-1860s he assumed the same role in Barcelona.

[20] He was initially employed in the law firm of Germán Gamazo[21] (in some sources "despacho Maura-Gamazo"[22]) before returning to Valladolid to open his own office.

[31] José became a well-known Navarrese politician of early Francoism; he served as alcalde of Pamplona (1940–1941) and FET leader[32] and civil governor of Biscay (1941–1942).

[48] Diario soon became a popular Valladolid newspaper; with the circulation of 5,000 it was second only to its main competitor, El Norte de Castilla, owned by a liberal political Santiago Alba.

[49] Garrán did not manage his newspaper on the commercial basis; he envisaged it as part of a religious mission,[50] carefully vetted adverts in terms of morality and covered periodic debts with his own money.

[78] In 1923 he published[79] Apuntes histórico críticos sobre las regalías de la corona,[80] a treaty on relations between the state and the Church;[81] the message was that the 1851 concordat was outdated and a new one was needed.

[82] In the last general elections held during the restoration era, in 1923, Garrán again appeared as “católico independente”,[83] though some thought him "afín a mauristas".

Initially he was pitted against a Carlist, Esteban Martínez-Velez;[88] eventually the latter admitted that Garrán was “natural del país” and “católico-fuerista”, and withdrew in his favor.

[91] This time his tenure in the Cortes was even shorter; he took the oath in May, but already in September the Primo de Rivera coup terminated the period of liberal democracy, resulting in dissolution of the parliament.

In 1926 (some sources claim that in 1927[94]) he sold the business to a newly set company, Diario Regional S.A.; its ownership was vastly dispersed among numerous members of local bourgeoisie; he retained the largest share of 4.8%.

In 1924 he published an article[96] which advocated a Navarrese UP policy as not only maintenance of separate local establishments, but also restoration of the lost ones and creating new bodies; he called for a corporative regional parliament named Junta General del Reino.

Present-day scholar considers the project “en la órbita del foralismo tradicionalista” and notes that it surely must have clashed with centralizing vision of the Directorio, which led to conflicts between Madrid and Pamplona over the new Estatuto Municipal and so-called cupo.

In 1929 he ascended to presidency of Federación Católico-Social de Navarra (FCSN),[104] a powerful regional agricultural organisation, controlled by mid-size and large terratenientes; it grouped 99 Sindicatos Agrícolas or Cajas Rurales and had 13,291 members.

[107] The fall of Primo marked a turn for the worse; in 1930 he lost the seat both in Diputación[108] and in Asamblea;[109] local press criticised Garrán for his support for the dictatorship.

In 1931 he signed numerous protest letters, either on his own behalf – e.g. in relation to would-be expulsion of religious orders,[114] or in name of La Conciliación;[115] the same year he joined Asociación Defensora de Religiosos Vasco-Navarros.

[118] However, once the statute has been rejected by the republican Cortes and appointed comisiones gestoras came out with a new draft, he firmly spoke against it; in his view this "estatuto nacionalista"[119] promoted separatism and stripped the would-be autonomy of defensive measures versus the Madrid-advanced secularization;[120] in 1932 Navarre opted out of the scheme.

Tailored as a response to Basque nationalist designs,[138] stained by “los principios radicales y marxistas”,[139] it advanced the vision of two separate paths.

In case of Vasconia, Garrán advocated Junta General and Diputacion Foral for every province and the regional Consejo Vascongado, with sort of auxiliary role and minor legislative powers; the proposal was entirely incompatible with the project of Basque autonomy, at the time processed by the parliament.

[148] The 280-page pamphlet, approved by ecclesiastic censhorship, was continuation of his 1923 work, Apuntes histórico críticos sobre las regalías de la corona, though this time the author focused mostly on culture and education in relations between the state and the Church.

Formally fully aligned with propaganda of the emerging Francoist regime, the book contained numerous references to “glorioso Movimiento Nacional”[149] and “el illustre Caudillo”.

[151] In terms of detailed solutions Garrán refrained from any suggestions, though the chapter La solución futura advanced a vision of friendly partnership between the state and the Church.

[153] At the turn of the decades Garrán withdrew into privacy, and it was his son José who briefly emerged as holder of high administrative positions in Navarre and Biscay.

Justo limited himself to publishing few pieces in a Carlist periodical La Avalancha;[154] he was last recorded in public discourse in 1941, as the author of an article on so-called ley paccionada,[155] a Navarre-related regulation introduced 100 years earlier.

[158] Later his name went into almost total oblivion; except a large 1957 article in Diario Regional, which hailed Garrán as the founder of the daily,[159] he disappeared from public discourse.

Today his pamphlets might appear in bibliographic listings in works on fuerismo[160] or state-Church[161] relations; he earned very brief biographical pieces in few online encyclopedias[162] and in one historiographic dictionary.