"[7][8][9][10] Due to the perception that he owes his extreme wealth to his close ties to Fidesz and its leader Viktor Orbán, with whom he was childhood friends, Mészáros is one of the most controversial subjects of contemporary Hungarian social and political discourse.

The company started to develop and secured important contracts in nearby settlements, working in residential parks and larger buildings.

After his election, Felcsút saw fast development, with several large state and EU funded projects (football stadium, touristic light railway, artificial lake) being realized.

The fortunes of Mészáros and its family companies continued to grow in 2018, winning public procurements worth of HUF259 billion, 93% of which came from the European Union.

[25] By May 2018, his and his wife's Konzum Private Equity Fund had traded at 280–300 billion Forint, making Mészáros the second richest man in the country.

[14] His assets started to grow sharply, mainly through public procurement after 2010,[40] which his companies gained under unusual business conditions.

[49] In the autumn of 2016, Opimus Press Zrt., with an unclear background close to Mészáros, acquired 100% of the shares of Mediaworks Hungary Zrt., the operator of the suspended Népszabadság publisher.

[14] Even in a year of unprecedented growth and wealth, other significant deals have been made with his companies: In 2018, the growth of the companies of Mészáros and his family members continued, by the end of July they generated almost HUF 229 billion in revenue, mainly from public procurement[76] but high-value deals were also streaking in the rest of the year.

[79] By May 2018, the exchange rate of the Consum Private Equity Fund owned by him and his wife rose to HUF 280–300 billion at that time, making Mészáros the second richest man in the country.

[81] In July, three football teams, Diósgyőr, Haladás, and Puskás Akadémia also presented themselves in the brand's jerseys, which they intend to wear in the 2018/19 season.

It was later revealed that the public media, also accused of being close to the government, advertised Mészáros's brand in a barter business without financial compensation, which is why the LMP reported treatment, alleging dishonesty.

[82] At the end of August 2018, it turned out that the Konzum Group belonging to Mészáros and Viktor Orbán's son-in-law, owned by István Tiborcz, BDPST Zrt., entered into a strategic partnership in the real estate market.

[88] In January 2019, the Mészáros family and their business partner, László Szíjj construction contractor, together became 81.5% owners in MKB Bank.

[92] ZÁÉV also won the Városliget public procurement for the general construction works of the new Ethnographic Museum and Visitor Center planned for 25.97 billion.

increased a thousand-fold the stock market value after the previous year – wins Ft 689 million total server centers written compile into installing and extended warranty service of centralized procurement procedure.

[111] In addition, a journalist interested in the financial details of the transaction, like other people close to the government, was disturbed by the fact that he was not a public figure.

[112] It was later revealed that the state had paid HUF 17 billion for the power plant and classified the transaction as "of national strategic importance", which means that the Hungarian Competition Authority has no way of investigating.

[115] At the beginning of April, Mészáros and István Tiborcz won a joint venture to develop two ports in Lake Balaton.

[119] Although the Hungarian economy was also in a difficult situation due to the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic in early 2020, Mészáros' company Opus Global Nyrt.

[120] On 20 April, Mészáros' Status Next Environmental Private Equity Fund acquired Envirotis Holding, one of the country's major waste management groups, and was subsequently granted a permit to recultivate millions of tonnes of red sludge accumulated over decades in the reservoirs of Almasfüzitő.

The seller was János Eppel, owner of Porsche Hungária, who was the government's preferred supplier and the winner of more than half a thousand hectares of state-owned land auctions.

The group was led by a number of other people close to the government, and Viktor Orbán declared the move "of national strategic importance".

[125] At the beginning of the year, Mészáros' companies also took part in renovation of the Citadel and the planning of the National Medical Innovation Center.

In addition, the investment in a nature reserve, Hunguest Hotels Zrt., which is also linked to Mészáros, received a 17.7 billion state renovation grant.

It also turned out that two-thirds of the HUF 300 billion that could be distributed by the Hungarian Tourism Agency went to 0.1% of the applicants, who happened to be companies belonging to Mészáros' interests.

The construction of the Budapest Multifunctional Sports Hall, built by the companies of Mészáros and other businessmen close to the government, also became ten times more expensive than the project.

[133] Meanwhile, the court dismissed Mészáros's new lawsuit, which was called by András Fekete-Győr, of Momentum president, as "a strawman" who would be held accountable for the crimes he committed after 2022.

[147] After rumours had circulated for months, Lőrinc Mészáros' relationship with TV personality Andrea Várkonyi was announced in April 2021.

[151] On 25 July 2017, Bloomberg Businessweek published an article on Mészáros analyzing the mayor's wealth after the controversial acquisition of 21% in the Hungarian conglomerate Konzum Nyrt.

[152] Konzum's share prices dropped 99% in one year before the acquisition, along with a sevenfold increase in its short-term debt, and it cut off its staff by 86 percent.