Last voyage of the Karluk

Upon reaching land Stefansson devoted himself to the expedition's scientific objectives, leaving the crew and staff on board the ship to their own devices under the charge of its captain, Robert Bartlett.

[1] Stefansson had returned home with plans for another expedition to continue his Arctic studies, and obtained promises of financial backing totalling US$45,000 (around US$750,000 in 2010)[n 2] from the National Geographic Society (NGS) in Washington and the American Museum of Natural History in New York.

Meanwhile, Rudolph Anderson's party was expected to continue with the anthropological studies of the "blond Eskimo", to collect varieties of Arctic flora and fauna, to carry out geological research, and to seek open-water channels in the hope of establishing new trade routes.

[9] Stefansson's plan was to take the expedition to the old whaling station at Herschel Island off the Canadian Arctic coast, where the final composition of the Northern and Southern Parties would be decided and where equipment and supplies would be divided among the different strands of the venture.

[13] McKinlay worried that this crew might lack the qualities and character necessary in the arduous months ahead, concerns shared by Bartlett, whose first act on arrival in Esquimalt was to fire the first officer for incompetence.

On 2 July Karluk reached the Bering Sea in mist, fog and rapidly falling temperatures; six days later she arrived at Nome where she joined Alaska and Mary Sachs.

[32] On 2 August, about 25 miles (40 km) from Point Barrow, Karluk thrust her way into the ice but was soon trapped, and drifted slowly eastward for three days before reaching open water off Cape Smythe.

The only scientific tasks of substance that could be carried out during this period were Murray's dredging operations, through which he collected many species of Arctic sea life, and the regular depth soundings.

[40] On 19 September, with Karluk ice-bound and largely stationary, Stefansson announced that in view of the shortage of fresh meat and the likelihood of a long sojourn in the ice, he would lead a small hunting party that would search for caribou and other game in the area of the Colville River.

It is arguable, Pálsson says, that Stefansson acted responsibly in attempting to secure a supply of fresh meat which would counter the possibility of scurvy, should Karluk be trapped in the ice for a long time.

[47] The constant snow and thick mists made it difficult for Bartlett to calculate the Karluk's position accurately, although during a brief break in the weather on 30 September they glimpsed land which they took to be Cooper Island, in the vicinity of Point Barrow where they had been at the start of August.

[49] There were fears among some that Karluk would repeat the experience of the Jeannette, an American vessel that 30 years previously had drifted in the Arctic ice for months before sinking, with the subsequent loss of most of her crew.

Despite the bleak outlook—Bartlett was privately convinced that Karluk would not survive the winter[56]— a determined effort was made to celebrate Christmas, with decorations, presents, a programme of sports on the ice, and a banquet.

At 6.45 in the evening a loud bang indicated that the hull had been punctured; Bartlett went immediately to the engine room and observed water pouring in through a gash 10 feet (3.0 m) long.

[59][60] Weather conditions, says McKinlay, could hardly have been worse, but the crew and staff worked throughout the night, in pitch darkness and driving snow, to add to the quantities of rations and equipment already stored on the ice.

[65] Amid this activity Mackay and Murray, now joined by the anthropologist Henri Beuchat, played little part in the general life of the camp and expressed their determination to leave it, independently, as soon as possible.

[66] Bartlett wanted to wait for the longer daylight hours of February before attempting the march, but was persuaded by McKinlay and Mamen to send a trailbreaking group to set up an advance camp on Wrangel Island.

[24] Bartlett sent his forces out, in groups, to blaze a trail and lay down supply depots on the route to Wrangel Island, thus preparing his inexperienced party for the hazards of ice travel.

McKinlay, Hadley and Chafe were sent on a risky journey back to Shipwreck Camp to pick up supplies that had been left there, while the rest slowly chopped and cut a pathway through the towering ridges.

The later stages of the journey were easier, as the group travelled over steadily smoother ice, and on 12 March they reached land, a long spit of sand stretching out from the northern shores of Wrangel Island.

It had not been possible to drag all the supplies from Shipwreck Camp, and the trek had taken longer than expected; consequently there were shortages of biscuit, pemmican (a compound of dried meat, fat and sugar) and dog food.

[91][92] McKinlay records that the circumstances depressed morale and destroyed comradeship: "The misery and desperation of our situation multiplied every weakness, every quirk of personality, every flaw in character, a thousandfold.

Malloch was the worst affected; he died on 17 May, but his tent-mate Mamen was too ill to see to his burial, so the body lay in the tent for several days, creating a "frightful smell", until McKinlay arrived to help.

[108] McConnell left Point Barrow for Nome aboard King and Winge, an American-registered walrus hunter, while Bear finally sailed for Wrangel Island.

[109][110][111] On 25 August Bear was stopped by ice 20 miles (32 km) from the island, and after failing to force a way through, Cochran had to return to Nome for more coal—a decision which, says Bartlett, gave him "days to try a man's soul".

[109] Before returning to Alaska, Bear made a final attempt to reach Herald Island; ice limited their approach to 12 miles (19 km), and they saw no signs of life.

[120] In Canada his reception was more muted; there were questions relating to the overall costs of the expedition,[98] its poor initial organisation, and his handling of the Southern Party which, under Rudolph Anderson, completed its work independently of Stefansson.

[121] Anderson and other members of the Southern Party later petitioned the Canadian government to investigate statements made by Stefansson in his 1921 book The Friendly Arctic, which they felt reflected poorly on their honour.

[69] The mystery illness which affected most of the Wrangel Island party and accelerated the deaths of Malloch and Mamen was later diagnosed as a form of nephritis brought about by eating faulty pemmican.

"[125] Peary had emphasised that a polar explorer should "give his personal, constant and insistent attention" to the making of his pemmican; McKinlay believed that Stefansson had devoted too much time selling the idea of the expedition, and too little ensuring the quality of the food that its members would depend upon.