In the mid-1970s, with the onset of the Lebanese Civil War that involved Muslims, Christians, and Palestinians, Syria took advantage of the situation to extend its influence in the region, initiating the Syrian occupation of Lebanon.

[3] Initially called upon by the Christian community in 1976 to prevent potential overrun by Lebanese Muslims and Palestinians, the Syrian military intervened.

Subsequently, Syria altered its allegiance, leaning towards support for the Muslims and Palestinians, particularly when the Christian-led Lebanese army aimed to remove Syrian forces from the country.

Whereas Mount Lebanon enjoyed this independence from the Ottoman ruling center, Syrian cities maintained a closer political relationship to Istanbul.

[16] Other writers including Nabih Amin Fares, George Antonius, and Michel ‘Aflaq contended that colonial powers divided Arab land because unity would pose a threat to colonialist rule.

At the same time, nationalist movements aimed to “create nations” within the geographical boundaries of newly formed states including Syria and Lebanon.

[20] At the same time, movements for pan-Arabism and Islamic solidarity still existed and gained traction within Lebanon, Syria, and the wider Middle East.

[22] In hopes of achieving full independence and the withdrawal of all foreign troops by 1946, nationalist movements made sure to align with each other under a vision of ousting France.

The HCCI was still formed quickly since Lebanese and Syrian leaders were concerned with transferring army and police from France to the two newly independent countries.

[28] Maronite Archbishop Ignatius Mubarak, in his speech on Mar Maroun Day, thanked the Lebanese government for releasing its statement on the Alexandria Protocol and against Sham’oun's claims.

[32] According to historians William Cleveland and Martin Bunton, Beirut became an international banking center because of its “laissez-faire economic system”.

With Muslims calling for greater representation and with Cold War tensions, Lebanese leadership had to decide whether to ally with the West or with Egypt, Syria and its Arab history.

Multiple factors including sectarian tensions and Palestinian refugee settlement in southern Lebanon contributed to the beginnings of the Lebanese Civil War.

However, since Syrian troops made the majority of the Arab Deterrent Force, Lebanese citizens felt that their country had lost its sovereignty.

Following the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 (whose objective was to dislodge Yasser Arafat's PLO from its Lebanese strongholds) and the siege of Beirut that led to Arafat and the PLO evacuation to Tunis, newly elected President Bachir Gemayel was assassinated in a bomb explosion by the Syrian-affiliated member of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party, Habib Shartouni.

Bachir's brother Amine Gemayel was quickly sworn in as new president, and the peace plan (the May 1983 accord) Gemayel negotiated with the Israelis under the sponsorship of the United States (militarily present in Lebanon along with Great Britain, France and Italy as the Multi-National Force) was undermined and gutted by the Syrian regime and by Hezbollah that car-bombed the US Marines barracks and the French Paratrooper compound (23 October 1983) among other acts of terrorism.

[37] The Taif Accord, established in the same year, enacted a new constitution that redistributed power among the Christians, Sunnis and Shiites, but failed to call for the removal of Syrian troops which remained in the country until 2005.

Although the Taef Accord required the dismantling on all militias, Syria's occupation troops allowed Hezbollah to remain armed and active against Israel in South Lebanon.

When in 1988, Syria and the United States tried to force the Lebanese Parliament to elect a puppet President, the Parliament failed to elect a new president, and Amine Gemayel appointed Army Chief, General Michel Aoun, as acting Prime Minister who sought the withdrawal of Syrian forces from the country.

The fighting ended on 13 October 1990, when Syrian troops launched an “all-out attack” on Aoun's Lebanese Army forces and bases.

[38] For the first time in Lebanon's modern history, the Israeli air force did not intervene as it usually did when Syrian jet fighters bombed the Presidential palace to dislodge Aoun from it.

According to Naomi Joy Winberger, “After years of intervention and subsequent occupation, Syria suffered reduced stature in each domain [international and regional political standing]”.

Officially called the "Treaty of Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination", the agreement established a special relationship between them for the first time since they gained independence from France.

On 19 December 2009, Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Al-Hariri visited Syria, and stayed in Damascus for 3 days of meetings with President Bashar al-Assad.

[53] Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati made an official visit to Damascus on 11 January 2025, meeting with Syria's de facto leader Ahmed al-Sharaa.

[55] Pro-Assad forces fought against opposition to the Assad presidency in the Bab al-Tabbaneh, Jabal Mohsen conflict, leading to the deaths of three people and more injuries.

March 2012 discussions on the national level included concerns that toppling the al-Assad government would result in regional instability for Lebanon and Iraq.