Legitimation crisis
[4] Habermas expanded upon the concept, claiming that with a legitimation crisis, an institution or organization does not have the administrative capabilities to maintain or establish structures effective in achieving their end goals.
Also concerned with justness and distinguishing between right and wrong constitutions, Aristotle bases legitimacy on the rule of law, voluntary consent, and the public interest.
[12][18] However, implicit consent is not sufficient for political legitimacy; rather, it requires the active participation of citizens in the justification of state's laws, through the general will of the people.
"[24] Weber provides three main sources of legitimate rule: traditional (it has always been that way), rational-legal (trust in legality), and charismatic (faith in the ruler).
[5] In other words, if the constituency believe the organization is breaking the rules of the political or economic system for immoral reasons, then this can threaten moral legitimacy.
[46] Social integration refers to what Habermas calls the "life-world," a term adapted from the writings of Alfred Schutz, which is composed of a consensual foundation of shared understandings, including norms and values, upon which a society is built.
[44][48][49][50] System integration, alternatively, refers to the determinants of a society, which break down when their structures "allow fewer possibilities for problem solving than are necessary to the[ir] continued existence[s].
[56] The political subsystem of the social world requires an input of mass loyalty in order to produce an output, which consists of legitimate administrative decisions that are executed by the state.
In contrast, every crisis of legitimacy has occurred when a large and/or important portion of a society strongly disagrees with some or all aspects of the institutional norms, as established and advanced by a particular regime or government.
[70] Max Weber, who first advanced this point, summarizes it below: The events of the French Revolution, from 1789 to 1799, and the socio-political changes that it comprised can be classified as a legitimation crisis.
[72] Consequently, the mythological world views that underpinned the governing institutions of law and that bound popular conceptions of morality were replaced with more rational ones.
[75] The party's economic achievements (e.g. improved standard of living, growth and development) under its newly liberalized policies became the primary evidence of its legitimacy.
The shift towards capitalist policies coupled with the CCP's inability to accommodate increased pressure for political liberalization and democratization eventually culminated in the Chinese democracy movement and the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989.
In Congo, for example, the state collapsed as its respective institutions (e.g. army, executives, local governments, populations) refused to recognize each other's authority and work together.
Furthermore, communism was implemented in other East European states (e.g. Romania, Hungary, Poland) in a much shorter time frame and developed very differently from the way it did in the Soviet Union.
[84] Ultimately, populist platforms - giving farmers land, social and economic stability, and welfare benefits - gave way to brutal collectivist realities, as leaders were blamed for the very same reforms they were once praised for.
[85] The Tunisian Revolution began with the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi on December 17, 2010, although it is also possible to consider the miner strike in the west central town of Gafsa in 2008 to be the official beginning of the movement.
[92] The party of the former regime, the Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) was banned from running for re-election, and Ennahda received 40% of the vote in an election overseen by a higher independent authority in April 2011.
[93] Ennahda then seized considerable control by appointing 83% of public agents at all levels, and shutting down the media by physically attacking hundreds of journalists.
[94] The Tunisian public and political parties then asked for a compromise legitimacy that consisted of a mandatory national dialogue between Ennahda and the other ruling members of the NCA, which began in October 2013.
The national dialogue, which is still taking place, is seeking to establish a legitimate government, end the legislative process for the constitution and electoral code, and set up an independent body to organize elections and fix a definitive date.
The revolution deposed Muammar Gaddafi,[96] who had been the ruler of Libya for four decades[97] and had united the country under the themes of Pan-Arabism (a form of nationalism), common geography, shared history, and Islam.
[102] Since Gaddafi's departure, tribal elders, NGOs, youth groups, town councils, and local brigades have stepped in to fill the power vacuum.
These katiba are “armed fighting groups ranging from 20 to 200 young men, formed along neighborhood, town or regional lines.”[105] These brigades were central to the military strength of the revolutionary forces.
[108][109] Yemen is historically tribal,[110] with tribes being responsible for defense, keeping the peace, protecting and encouraging trade and markets, and either prohibiting or facilitating travel.
The most significant government official to join the revolutionary movement was Major General Ali Mohsin Al-Ahmar, who ordered his troops to defend antigovernment demonstrators.
[115] The National Dialogue Conference, launched in March 2013, brought together 565 delegates from these parties in order to write a constitution and deal with longstanding challenges to Yemeni governance,[115] such as counterterrorism,[110][114] development, and the Southern Separatist Movement.
[116] Although Yemen was the only country from the 2011 Arab Spring to emerge with a negotiated settlement with the current regime and a transition plan for a national dialogue,[115] by 2013 there was “no significant redistribution of resources or hard power outside the traditional elite.”[115] The vestiges of Saleh's regime[117][118] and a lack of support from southern tribes[118][119][120] plagued the National Dialogue Conference, which consequently finished four months later than expected, in January 2014.
Nicomachean Ethics Parsons, T. "Authority, Legitimation, and Political Actions" Lipset, S. M. "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy" Blau, P. "Critical Remarks on Weber's Theory of Legitimacy" Stinchcombe, A. Constructing Social Theories "Structural Aspects of Distributive Justice: A Status Value Formulation" Gamson, W. A.
"Institutionalized Organizations: Formal Structure as Myth and Ceremony" Tilly, C. From Mobilization to Revolution Walter, E., Walster, G. W., and Berscheid, E. Equity: Theory and Research Zelditch, M., & Floyd, A. S. "Consensus, Dissensus, and Justification" Source: The Psychology of Legitimacy Emerging: Perspectives on Ideology, Justice, and Intergroup Relations[132]
