[citation needed] Born into an aristocratic Panaduran family, Goonewardene was brought up Methodist, educated in English-medium schools, and spoke Sinhala as well as English.

Goonewardene was shaped by the widespread Marxist teachings of the time, notably conflicting with his own privilege, resulting in him pursuing the study of government from the London School of Economics.

He rose to prominence leading the party through World War II, when it was key to the anti-war movement, culminating in its proscription and his escape from Ceylon to India.

Through this, Goonewardene attempted to reform the former British colony of Ceylon into a socialist republic by nationalising organisations in the banking, education, industry, media, and trade sectors.

[1][2] He was the son of Andrew Simon Goonewardene, a reputed doctor who served as President of the Panadura Maha Jana Sabha and chairman of the Urban Council.

[15] Goonewardene's family were prominent figures of the Methodist Church of Ceylon, and his father was a lay preacher and treasurer of the Home Mission Fund.

[32] She was kept a virtual prisoner at home, and Goonewardene was forced to file a habeas corpus writ, a recourse in law through which a person can report an unlawful detention or imprisonment to a court, to get her released.

[36] The group at the commencement numbered six, composed principally of students who had, like Goonewardene, returned from abroad, influenced deeply by the ideas of Karl Marx and Lenin.

[39] Goonewardene also published a Sinhala-language journal, Kamkaruwa (The Worker), allowing the party to become involved in the 1933 Suriya-Mal Movement, whose aim was to generate financial support for indigenous (Ceylonese) veterans through the sale of native Suriya flowers.

[46] Through discussion, the Indian and Ceylonese Trotskyists led by Goonewardene established a preliminary committee for the formation of the Bolshevik–Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma (BLPI for short).

[49] Goonewardene, whilst evading the colonial authorities, led the conference at which the Lanka Sama Samaja Party conceived a new constitution and manifesto, both of which were accepted by the delegates.

[53] Initially, during World War II, the Goonewardene-led BLPI remained relatively small—a large contrast to the high expectations of a subcontinent-wide political revolutionary party.

[68] Through this, Goonewardene attempted to reform the former British Colony of Ceylon into a socialist republic by nationalising organisations in the banking, education, industry, media, and trade sectors.

[74] Later in 1964, the LSSP formed a coalition with Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the first female prime minister in the world, who had until then formally governed with a minority, missing one seat for majority.

[88] Facing budget deficits of $195 million—caused by rising energy and food-importation costs and declining revenue from coconut, rubber, and tea exports—the government attempted to centralise the economy and implement price controls.

[89][90] Goonewardene and other party members pressed Sirimavo Bandaranaike to nationalise the foreign banks of British, Indian, and Pakistani origin, an act that would impact the need for credit.

[91] Goonewardene supported the government stance opposing the development of an Anglo-US communications centre in the Indian Ocean, maintaining that the area should be a "neutral, nuclear-free zone".

Though aware of the militant stance of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (People's Liberation Front), the administration initially failed to recognise them as an imminent threat, dismissing them as idealists.

Calling on its allies for assistance, the government was saved largely because of the LSSP's neutral foreign policy and Goonewardene's long-term stance as a member of the "Non-Aligned Movement".

[101] Under its terms, the senate, suspended since 1971,[97] was officially abolished,[88] and the new unicameral National State Assembly was created, combining the powers of the executive, judicial, and legislative branches in one authority.

[103] Despite the efforts of Goonewardene, it failed to provide a charter of inalienable rights,[103][104] recognised Sinhala as the only official language,[105] and contained no "elements of federalism".

[98][110] This, along with other factors, led to fissures appearing in the United Front coalition, largely resulting from the Lanka Sama Samaja Party's continued influence on trade unions and threats of strike actions throughout 1974 and 1975.

When newly confiscated estates were placed under the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, controlled by the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, fears that they would unionise plantation workers led Bandaranaike to oust them from the government coalition.

[111] Despite later fissures, Goonewardene was able to advance parts of the party programme considerably: foreign-owned plantations were nationalised, local ownership was restricted, democratically elected workers' councils were established in state corporations and government departments under the purview of its ministries (and of that of a sympathiser, T.B.

[114] During this period, Goonewardene established contact with the captains of the Movement of the Armed Forces (Movimento das Forças Armadas or MFA) of Portugal, after the Carnation Revolution of April 1974; he also became a theoretician of Eurocommunism and its application to Sri Lanka, writing a pamphlet titled "Can we get to socialism this way?".

They also formed CANTAB, a secret intelligence organisation, the agents of whom were employees of the CTB, which provided accurate reports of the strength and distribution of JVP units.

[126] At the time of Goonewardene's entry into office, most of the railways were developed during the British colonial period, with the first line (from Colombo to Kandy) opened on 26 April 1867.

Its network was more focused on plantation areas than on population and service centres, and the move to industrialisation meant that the railways generated large losses.

[138][139] Fissures appeared in the United Front coalition, largely resulting from the LSSP's continued influence on trade unions and threats of strike actions throughout 1974 and 1975.

When newly confiscated estates were placed under the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, controlled by the LSSP, fears that they would unionise plantation workers led Prime Minister Bandaranaike to oust them from the government coalition.