Antes que te cases was published by Nájera in 1946, with one part saying, "Racial decadence is the result of many things but the most important is conjugal unhappiness in the most prosperous and happy of homes.
Such difference emerges from the anatomical surface of each man and woman, and it goes to the deepest, darkest roots of life, to the home of the cells.
It has been said that the Ministry of Justice adopted the responsibility of "collecting" the children whose parents had been assassinated, jailed, or had disappeared, with the goal of indoctrinating them with the new state model.
[12][11] A law passed on 30 March 1940 meant Republican women could keep their children with them in prison until the child turned three years old.
Pregnant women would be forced to give birth in unsanitary prison conditions, and infant mortality was a serious issue.
This resulted in a large number of rural women swelling the populations of Spanish prisons, including in Madrid, Córdoba, Málaga and Segovia.
It was primarily from the Peña Grande maternity prison that children part of the 'stolen babies' scandal were taken, with women continuing to be imprisoned there until 1984.
The conditions at the state-supported facility were so bad that girls would commit suicide by jumping off the top floor stairwell.
"[17] During the war, many parents sent their children to foreign countries, including Britain, France and Russia, out of concern.
[19] In January 2011, the families of 261 babies who disappeared in hospitals over a period of fifty years put forward their cases to the attorney general in Madrid.
[19] This began when two brothers were told by their foster father that he had bought them from a priest; the pair then went to the media and the story spread, encoraging others to come forward.
[20] Evidence consisted of the testimony of nurses and people who admitted illegally adopting babies, with hospital staff, nuns and priests suspected of being part of an organised network.
[20] The purpose of these abductions changed from ideological reasons to targeting parents, whom the network considered "morally- or economically-deficient"[20] and in some cases, they charged money.
[19] In one case, an 89-year-old woman confirmed that in 1969 a priest and a doctor encouraged her to fake a pregnancy so that she could receive a child due to be born at another clinic.
[19] Another involved undertakers in Málaga, who said that on some occasions they buried empty coffins supposedly containing children who had been born at a local hospital.
[19] Spanish law, under which the identity of an unmarried infant's mother could be recorded as 'unknown' to protect her anonymity is alleged to have facilitated these kidnappings.
[20] The 1977 Amnesty Law, passed two years after Franco's death, has never been repealed, rejected by the judiciary and opposed by politicians.
[20] As late as 1996, a large number of documents regarding the Women's Protection Board and the whereabouts of babies born in its facilities went missing.
[21][22] Garzón included in his cited statistics, based on historical sources, that more than 30,000 Republican children had been under the "tutelage" of the Francoist regime between 1944 and 1954.
[29] The article "Taken Under Fascism, Spain's 'Stolen Babies' Are Learning the Truth" by Nicholas Casey in The New York Times covers the specific story of Ana Belén Pintado and the role of the Catholic Church in these abductions.