Louis Mailloux Affair

The Louis Mailloux Affair[Note 1] was a series of violent events similar to a jacquerie that occurred in the town of Caraquet, New Brunswick (Canada), in January 1875.

After a rushed investigation, multiple judicial trials were conducted to address the riots and the death of John Gifford, while overlooking that of Louis Mailloux.

[5] Canadian Confederation, the Intercolonial Railway, the end of the Canadian-American Reciprocity Treaty, and the Fenian raids dominated New Brunswick politics, which diverted attention from education for several years.

Faced with opposition from prominent Catholic newspapers, Le Moniteur Acadien and The Morning Freeman, and to maintain power, King withdrew the bill just before the 1870 election and was re-elected.

[8] The issue was brought to the House of Commons of Canada, where Prime Minister John A. Macdonald declined to defend Catholics, citing the division of powers that granted control of education to the provinces.

[18] The second group settled to the east of the town and comprised survivors of the Battle of the Restigouche, individuals from Gaspésie and Bas-Saint-Laurent, predominantly of Norman descent, and some Micmacs.

Fishermen were limited to choosing between the Robin, Rive, Young, and Fruing families, all of whom employed the same method, creating a sense of dependency among the residents of the eastern part of the town.

Subsequently, they visited Martin Haché and Stanislas Légère, two Acadians who had paid their taxes,[Note 5] demanding that they sign a letter expressing their opposition to the school law.

[34] Caraquet Priest Pelletier received an anonymous letter, rumored to be from clerk Colson Hubbard, threatening to burn down the rectory of the Saint-Pierre-aux-Liens Church and other buildings unless he calms the people down.

[34] After receiving the arrest warrants, Sheriff Robert B. Vail of Bathurst called for reinforcement from the honorable William Kelly of Chatham, whom Young had visited before returning to Caraquet.

[37] On the afternoon of January 27, 14 young men from Caraquet gathered to play cards in the attic of André Albert's house, located across from the Sewell Hotel.

The sheriff ordered his assistant, Stephen Gable, to lead a group of twenty men, including John Blackhall[27] who serves as an interpreter, to storm the house.

[40] Upon receiving news of the shooting in Bathurst, Senator John Ferguson and two other justices of the peace quickly mobilized the militia of Chatham to support the police.

On March 8, Théotime Blanchard introduced a bill to legalize the deliberations and appointments made at the public meeting held in November in Caraquet.

[42] On April 8, the provincial government introduced a bill proposing the construction of a prison in Caraquet and the establishment of a permanent police station in the area.

[42] After the attack on him and the shock of Louis Mailloux's death, Théotime Blanchard becomes more outspoken, even stating that "the Bismarcks and Kaisers of Gloucester did not have to bring the Prussian army to Caraquet.

Chapleau had previously defended Ambroise Lépine, a companion of Louis Riel during the Red River Rebellion, in a trial for the murder of Thomas Scott, which had similarities to the current case.

[46] Despite Chapleau's acceptance and permission from the New Brunswick Bar, objections from Father Joseph Pelletier and Deputy K. F. Burns arose, citing concerns that appointing a Québécois would further antagonize the Anglophone population in the province.

Thompson then delayed the selection of the petit jury, raising concerns about family relationships and Sheriff Vail consulting Robert Young before summoning jurors.

The Crown's strategy is to establish a connection between the events of January 15 and 25, suggesting that the individuals hiding in André Albert's attic were anticipating the arrival of the constables.

Over a two-week period, the Crown presents its witnesses, including Constable Robert Ramsay, who claims to have fired the first shot, supporting the defense's argument.

Kerr suggested to Thompson, the defense attorney, that the other 8 accused plead guilty to manslaughter, which would allow the trial to proceed to the New Brunswick Supreme Court.

Timothy Anglin, known for his defense of Catholics during the New Brunswick School Question, was elected Speaker of the House of Commons of Canada in 1874, leaving him unable to participate in the ongoing debate.

[49] Théotime Blanchard, disheartened by the unfolding events, resigned from his seat in the Legislative Assembly at the end of 1875 to take on the role of Inspector of Weights and Measures in the northern part of the province.

[53] It also states that intent to commit an illegal act can be inferred from the nature of the actions, such as obtaining signatures through threats and the circumstances of Blackhall's resignation.

It concluded that the Crown, represented by George E. King, had the right to strike certain persons from the jury list – in this case, all Catholics – by the Statutes of Canada, 32 and 33, Vic., c. 29, art.

The Morning Freeman, owned by Timothy Anglin, Gloucester's deputy during the New Brunswick School Question, was particularly outspoken in its defense, even more so than Le Moniteur Acadien.

In 1997, the Saint-Sauveur and Saint-Simon riots occurred when parents protested the closure of their school and were met with force by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.

[56] Jane Barry, New Brunswick's Solicitor General, caused controversy in the Legislative Assembly by suggesting that the people of the Acadian Peninsula resort to violence to achieve their goals, alluding to past incidents like the Caraquet riots.

Education Minister Kelly Lamrock requested changes to the text, removing any mention of apologies and references to Frank McKenna and Jane Barry.