Initially he was active within Carlism, then he joined the breakaway Mellistas, settled well in the Primo de Rivera regime, emerged as a key Derecha Regional Valenciana leader within CEDA, and eventually merged within the Francoist structures.

In 1877 he was appointed registrador de la propiedad, an official close to the real estate notary; at the time he was posted to the town of Pego, in the province of Alicante.

He kept ascending along the professional path; though he performed the same role of property registrar until death, Luis García kept moving to larger and more prestigious locations.

He became a well known local personality; apart from official role he was also in executive of the Gandian Casa de Ahorros[15] and remained an active correspondent of numerous Catholic newspapers and periodicals;[3] none of his articles has been identified and it seems he published under a pen-name.

[22] In 1908 he received a governmental grant enabling further research abroad;[23] first he studied in France at Sorbonne and in Toulouse,[24] and then between 1909[25] and 1910[26] in the United States at Yale, where he focused on social sciences.

[36] The young Luis inherited political preferences from his father and in his early 20s used to publish under pen-names in the Carlist semi-official mouthpiece, El Correo Español.

As a student he gave lectures on socialismo católico[18] and inspired by Rerum Novarum, in the early 1900s he co-founded and helped to run Caixa d’Estalvis de Gandia, the institution managed by the local priest Carlos Ferrís.

[45] In 1911 he published a legal work Bases del derecho inmobiliario en la legislación comparada[46] and in 1914 he translated from French a juridical study of Jorge de Lacoste.

[49] In 1913 he was reported as entering the competition for the chair of España Antigua y media at the University of Barcelona;[50] another source claims he applied for a job at Facultad de Derecho.

[54] According to one unfriendly source, he was expelled from service as a zealous Germanophile, who compromised the Spanish diplomacy by voicing open support for German submarines, which at the time were sinking merchant ships in the Atlantic.

[55] In the early 1910s García Guijarro started to emerge as a young star of Valencian Carlism; he kept contributing to El Correo Español[37] and used to speak during indoor meetings, e.g. delivering lectures at Circulo Jaimista in Valencia.

He was busy mostly with promotion of local Valencian issues, e.g. advocating construction of new roads,[61] though he voiced also against what was perceived as anti-religious, secular governmental policy[62] and participated in debates on civil service, especially the consular network.

[65] The episode remains somewhat obscure; it seems that at the time he still acted as a Spanish consul in Hamburg,[66] though other sources suggest he was briefly detained and interrogated at the police station, as the Austrian security services suspected him of spying.

A pro-French Carlist campaigner, Francisco Melgar, claimed that García Guijarro kept at least some documents to himself, which contributed to disorientation within Carlism and allowed pro-German propaganda by the key party theorist, Juan Vázquez de Mella.

[71] He was again successful as member of a broad right-wing coalition, though he failed to improve his performance compared to 1916: García Guijarro gathered 9,521 votes out of 53,410 possible in the Valencian district.

[71] Like in the previous term, in the chamber he focused mostly on local Valencian issues, e.g. discussing agricultural problems or excessive fiscal burden imposed upon smaller municipalities.

[75] In the late 1910s Carlism was increasingly paralyzed by conflict between supporters of Vázquez de Mella and followers of Don Jaime; the former advocated pro-German stand and a grand ultra-right coalition, the latter was leaning towards the Entente and demanded that political alliances did not jeopardize the dynastic issue.

[80] Following the secession García Guijarro attempted to take away the entire Valencian structures of Jaimismo and seize the local casa social, but failed.

[100] At the time García Guijarro was already close to the nascent offshoot post-Mellista party, Partido Social Popular;[101] the initiative failed to take off the ground as the Primo de Rivera coup soon brought political life in Spain to a standstill.

[104] García Guijarro attended numerous commercial conferences and meetings; the one of particular importance was Conferencia Nacional Naranjera, staged by the provincial Valencian Cámara Oficial Agrícola and UNEA with the royal patronage.

[130] At the time the dictablanda regime was crumbling; in general elections, planned for the spring of 1931, García Guijarro together with Luis Lucía[131] was supposed to represent Derecha Regional Valenciana.

[138] García Guijarro focused on his role in orange exporters syndicate,[139] by some dubbed “alma de la UNEA”;[140] he kept lobbying[141] and lecturing.

His activity in the chamber and beyond was mostly about international trade, with particular focus on citrus fruits;[151] his public interventions were related e.g. to Spanish commerce with France,[152] Romania[153] or the Netherlands.

[155] In early 1935 the centre-right government appointed him to the highest post abroad so far, this time not in the consular but in the diplomatic service: he was nominated minister plenipotentiary to Czechoslovakia.

[157] Until early 1936 García Guijarro's relations with the official strata were good; in January he was admitted at a personal audience by the president, Niceto Alcalá-Zamora.

[158] During the general elections of February 1936 he traditionally represented Derecha Regional Valenciana in the Valencia district;[159] his 7th electoral try produced the largest support so far and with 140,561 votes out of 308,694 possible he easily prolonged his parliamentary ticket.

[174] Some Americans perceived his appointment as controversial; John M. Coffee denounced him as a Fascist sidekick of Juan March,[184] who supported German submarine warfare during World War One.

[192] Already in his 70s he withdrew into privacy and no longer featured in the press; the exception were his rare appearances in societé columns, usually related to various family events,[193] and acknowledgement of his study on the Levantine orange industry.

[194] Since then he entirely disappeared from the public eye, though due to his old familiarity with Ignacio Villalonga[195] he was associated with Banco Central and until the mid-1960s he kept writing regular reports on economic and financial situation in the country.