In that general election, the movement's electoral list won two parliamentary seats in the third district of the Jordanian capital, Amman.

[2] Within the House of Representatives there are 15 seats reserved for women, and 12 for Christian, Chechen, and Circassian candidates, and the members serve 4 year terms.

The Jordanian one-person, one-vote version of the single non-transferable voting system was formulated to heavily favour tribal and other narrow interest groups over candidates or parties running on ideological/political platforms.

[4] Additionally, cheating and bribery have been found to take place in elections, for example in the case of the former head of the General Intelligence Directorate, Muhammad Dhahabi.

[9] From the 1950s to the 1970s the strongest opponents to the Hashemite regime were Arab nationalists and leftists, whose organisations and parties were severely repressed during that time.

[12] Tahir al-Masri's 1991 cabinet heavily represented leftist and secular deputies in order to contain the growing power of Islamists, co-opt moderate Palestinians, and deepen liberalisation processes.

[13] This government was toppled over negotiations with Israel, but marked an attempt by the monarchy to neutralise secular forces in Jordanian society.

In the contemporary context, the Jordanian Social Left Movement was established in 2007 to serve as a platform for leftists and democrats from diverse backgrounds.

Other, similar initiatives have also emerged in recent years, including Shaghaf (Youths for an Active Tomorrow) and Taqaddam, demanding a “democratic, progressive, productive, green and secure Jordan”.

[24] Meanwhile, Taqaddam describes itself as a citizen-driven platform working for change to create a "democratic, progressive, productive, green and secure Jordan".

The legislative block Mubadarah has worked towards such goals, beginning with pressure on the government to give civil rights to the children of Jordanian women married to foreigners.

[33] They seek for citizens to be able to participate in a society where responsibilities and rights are equally-shared; in which equality is attained through the division of authorities and modern laws.

Their ideas reflect some of the historic and contemporary movements that have been active in Jordan advocating for a similarly reformist, left-leaning, and secular platform.

[29] Kais Zayadin articulated Ma'an's vision and stated that “we call for complete equality regardless of one's gender, religion, profession or nationality.

This is in the constitution, however it is not really being practiced.” He further elaborated that a civil society as Ma'an envisages it involves “the rule of law between the citizen and the state is implemented in the correct manner”.

They have said they will aim to change the current curricula and replace them with ones that keep up with scientific development, and to incorporate educational tools to help students synthesize, analyze, and collaborate.

[39] They have said that laws protecting the rights of owners should be secured, and that the parliament should be able to observe and scrutinize the commission's actions, and ensure that investors are able to work easily in all ministries; getting rid of all the administrative and technical barriers facing investment.

[41] Ma’an aims to fight unemployment in society through laws and legislations that enable the creation of projects that provide youth with job opportunities.

[42] Furthermore, they have said that the state has to facilitate financing small enterprises to provide most citizens opportunities to create private projects which do not need high capital or foreign investment.

Studies have found that the problem is spread throughout the political, economic, and administrative scenes in Jordan, which stands in the way of investment and development.

[45] Ma’an have said that they will seek to guarantee the independence of official monitoring services financially and administratively, and enable civil society institutions to fight corruption through the establishment of transparency in the public and private sectors as well as improving laws that foster accountability and institutionalizing the role of the parliament regarding that aspect.

[46][38] The Ma’an movement has drawn attention to the issue of drug and substance abuse in Jordanian society and articulated their position on how to tackle it.

They have stated that they will work through multiple channels to eradicate the problem of drug abuse in society through the creation and implementation of appropriate awareness programs to all citizens.

[50] In response to the election's results, Zayadin stated that “the tremendous amount of support that we found was unbelievable from people all over Jordan who are extremely interested in the idea [of separating religion and politics]”.

[28] Despite the Ma'an list's electoral success, The New Arab has also reported that there were "no surprises, no heartaches and no steps forward" in the elections.

[51] Ma'an List gained wide media attention from local news agencies since its members announced they were participating in the parliamentary elections.

Local print newspapers like Al-Ghad, Al-Ra'i, Addustour, and Al-Sabil covered the list and its electoral program from different perspectives.

He also said that change can never happen overnight; yet it cannot be made if people do nothing on election day, asserting that a "democratic" civil society should have its "voice" heard.

In the run up to the election Middle East Eye reported that Ma’an envisioned itself as a crucial actor in restricting the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Islamic Action Front.

One of the movement's leaders, Kais Zayadin, clashed in a public debate with an Islamic Action Front candidate in the run up to the election.