[3] In order to develop his thesis on nationalism, Iqbal drew on various western thinkers, including Sir Arthur Keith and Lord Acton.
[4] Sir Arthur Keith centers the notion of nationalism on racial and tribal identities and therefore, the division of mankind into nation-states, according to him, was against the Zeitgeist.
John Stuart Mill, for example, observes that the presence of diverse and heterogeneous national groups can hinder the development of free institutions in a polity.
Although not consciously intended, one of the consequences of the Lutheran movement was the loss of the common moral force which was transformed into a central religious authority.
Enlightenment thinkers, like Rousseau and Voltaire, further diluted the moral force of religion by attacking the institution and the dogma of the Church.
[9] According to Iqbal, Islam as a moral force cannot be reduced to the private sphere of individuals only, as it is also the cornerstone of modern nationalism, which would eventually lead to atheism and thus the common thread amongst the citizens of modern nation-states will be their ‘irreligiousness.’ Iqbal also emphasized on the works of Hegel (1770-1831), a famous German philosopher, who highlighted the spiritual character of nations.
But later, Iqbal revisited his views after a thorough study and in-depth analysis of the philosophical outlook and the historical movements which paved the way for nationalism in Europe.
[10] He clearly observes: "It is not the unity of language, or country, or identity, or economic interest, that constitutes the basic principle of our nationality.
While patriotism can be a natural sentiment towards one’s motherland, nationalism is a modern political ideology emerging from an atheistic and imperialistic worldview.
[13] Iqbal’s discourse on nationalism is distinct not only from modernists but also from many traditional ulama, who were active in the political struggle against the British rule.
These scholars struggled to prove that the spirit of Islam was fully compatible with the political ideals and structures of the modern West.
Different public debates or discourses between Muhammad Iqbal and Maulana Madani over the meaning and interpretation of nationalism have been explored by scholars and researchers.
Pakistani historian K. K. Aziz has struggled to explain that Iqbal’s famous Allahabad Address does not mean the creation of a separate homeland for Indian Muslims.
[17] The purpose was to sow the seeds of the struggle for freedom in the Muslim youth, along with their education and character building on traditional Islamic lines.
[18] She said: "His religious and political thought demonstrates the profound strand of what might be called contextually based reasoning that can be seen as typical of the traditionalist ulama in contrast to the blind conservatism often attributed to them.
Truly patriotic, Madani also composed a booklet Hamara Hindustan Aur Us Kay Faza’il (Our India and Her Qualities), describing the significance and virtues of India and stating that Muslims have a legitimate claim on Indian soil and they are the original inhabitants of the land, thus refuting the extremist Hindus of Hindutva, who declared Muslims as foreigners.
According to Barbara Metcalf, "He taught not only religious practice, narrowly defined, but also discipline and organization for protection, dispute resolution, and participation in political processions and protests.
[20] Perhaps he never felt the need to consult Madani, as he was always opposed to the politics of "nationalist ulama", which was also visible in his informal conversation recorded by Syed Nazeer Niazi during his last years.
[21] It is also misleading to view this disagreement between Iqbal and Madani in the light of opposition between the demand for a separate homeland for Muslims and an undivided India.
[21] His concept of a ‘Muslim Nation’ is positive, in the sense that it is based on the higher moral and spiritual principles, and not on the inter-communal prejudices and hatred prevalent during his times.
[21] When a European critic criticized Iqbal on the gap between the universalism of his vision of humanity and the particular application of this only to the Muslim community of India, Iqbal replied: The humanitarian ideal is always universal in poetry and philosophy but if you work it out in actual life you must start with a society exclusive in the sense of having a creed and well-defined outline, but ever enlarging its limits by example and persuasion.
Such a society in my belief is Islam…All men and not Muslims alone are meant for the Kingdom of God on earth, provided they say goodbye to their idols of race and nationality and treat one another as personalities…[21] Although as a universalist, Iqbal’s practical focus was on the Muslim community of India and not on the brotherhood of Islam, three months before his death, during his interview with All India Radio, he stated: Only one unity is dependable, and that unity is the brotherhood of man, which is above race, nationality, color or language...so long as men do not demonstrate by their actions that they believe that the whole world is the family of God...the beautiful ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity will never materialize.
In his work, he makes a semantic analysis of the terms ‘millet,’ ‘qaum,’ and ‘ummah’, citing Arab lexicographers of different periods, and also analyses the Quranic usage of these words.
[23] Some brief excerpts from this correspondence clarify Madani's position: Inhabitants of England, despite being Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, are considered as one nation.
"[23] Madani replies to Rasheed Talūt: When I was saying that these days, nations are based on Autān, I was referring to the norm and mentality of the times.
[23] After this, Iqbal took back his objection to Madani and gave a statement which was published in Daily Ehsan on 28 March 1938: "I have not advised Muslims to accept the territorial nationalism."
The compilers, being part of the bitter political divide of the late 1930s, included that vitriolic verse against Madani in Gift from Hijaz without any clarification in the light of the last statement of Iqbal.
[24] Insult of Madani and other nationalist ulama became part of the campaign for Pakistan, and Iqbal's verse and initial remarks were widely used.
[24] Iqbal himself, in the days when he was responding to Madani's statement, suggested that Mithāq-e-Madina can be a legitimate foundation for the political alliance of the Hindus and Muslims of India.
Madani, on the other hand, belongs to the tradition of ulama, that from the times of Syed Ahmad Barelvi (1786-1831) remained active and deeply involved in the struggle against the exploitation of Indian Muslims.