[1] Between 2001 and 2003,[clarification needed] Chodakiewicz was an assistant professor at the University of Virginia as the holder of the Kościuszko Chair in Polish Studies of the Miller Center of Public Affairs.
[18][19] Chodakiewicz's publication was reviewed positively in the Polish Gazeta Wyborcza newspaper, whose editor Adam Michnik had previously called Eliach's account an "insult" to Poland.
[26] Reviewing After the Holocaust: Polish-Jewish Conflict in the Wake of World War II (2003), Antony Polonsky wrote: "like the author's earlier book, Żydzi i Polacy 1918-1955... this volume is intended to correct 'anti-Polish stereotypes' (p. 347), and it does not rise above the clichés of old-fashioned nationalist apologetics."
He criticizes Chodakiewicz for his simplistic view of the situation in post-war Poland, for ignoring the widespread antisemitism at the time and for equating Polish and Jewish "groups", despite the latter being utterly decimated during the Holocaust.
"[27] Klaus-Peter Friedrich, reviewing After the Holocaust: Polish-Jewish Conflict in the Wake of World War II, criticizes Chodakiewicz's work as "selective and impressionistic", and "marred by many contradictions".
[28] Friedrich says that Chodakiewicz's manner of referring to fully assimilated Jews is similar to that used in radical right-wing media; he concludes that the book seems to be written with an aim rooted in the politics of commemoration.
[29] In contrast, Joanna Michlic in her review writes that the book presents "intellectually and morally unacceptable interpretations", being part of a "ethno-nationalist historiography" trend that promotes "an image of Poland as only heroic, suffering, noble, and innocent".
[39] Critics take particular issue with Chodakiewicz's argument that Jewish-born communist partisans' and functionaries' killing of Poles during the Soviet occupation "contextualizes", if not justifies, Polish violence against Jews.
These historians belong to the school of (ethno)nationalist history writing in which the themes of martyrdom and victimhood of ethnic Poles vis-a-vis other groups play a key role in shaping their arguments and interpretation", with Chodakiewicz being the most extreme of the lot.
[22] Andrzej Żbikowski writes that Chodakiewicz, along with Jan Żaryn, leads the "nationalist/national democratic camp" of Polish historians, affiliated with Fronda and Glaukopis, "a publication that has arisen mainly to rehabilitate unconditionally the wartime activities of the [nationalist] Narodowe Siły Zbrojne (NSZ)."
Chodakiewicz's writing, according to Żbikowski, is characterized by selective usage of examples, justification of Poles' negative attitudes towards Jews during the war, and a lack of empathy with Jewish victims.
[8] In his critical review of Intermarium in the Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, Dovid Katz writes that Chodakiewicz "is a forceful advocate of a Republican Party-type platform, with ample specific references to the Reagan years ... [he] is socially conservative—that is to say pro-religion, anti-secularist, anti-gay, anti-left, and anti-liberal.
[22] In July 2017, Chodakiewicz helped draft US President Donald Trump's speech delivered at Warsaw Uprising Monument, and traveled with the Presidential delegation.
[22][23][44] In 2019, Chodakiewicz released the book About the Civilization of Death: How to stop the anti-culture of totalitarian minorities, stating: "I saw with my own eyes how LGBT, gender, and feminism emerged from the underground and was gradually embraced in American politics: introducing a new version of Marxism that I call Marxism-Lesbianism.
"[45] In July 2019, during a book tour in Poland,[46][45][5][47] Chodakiewicz gave a talk at the Institute of National Remembrance's Janusz Kurtyka IPN Educational Center in Warsaw.