The conflict resulted in the rupture of diplomatic relations between the two countries for several years, the creation of thousands of refugees from both sides, as well as having a significant impact on domestic Senegalese politics.

Economic repercussions of recent drought in the region, along with the implementation of structural adjustment agreements with the International Monetary Fund, caused the weakening of Senegal's already fragile economy during the 1980s.

[3] Mauritania's attempts at land reform in 1983 strengthened the role of the state while undermining traditional agriculture, worsening the problems of many farmers on both sides of the border.

The creation of the Organisation pour la mise en valeur du fleuve Sénégal (OMVS; in English, Senegal River Basin Development Authority) in 1972, which constructed dams and other irrigation projects, such as the Diama Dam, was intended to preserve the land of the Senegal River Basin through joint cooperation.

The project, however, disrupted the balance between herders and farmers by opening new parts of the valley to irrigation, ultimately leading to greater tension between the two countries.

President Ould Taya argued that Senegalese representatives in OMVS refused to create river harbors during the construction, which blocked Mauritania's ability to exploit phosphate deposits.

[2][3][6] Throughout history, inhabitants of the land north and south of the Senegal River relied on farming, pastoralism, and fishing as a main source of income and sustenance.

Senegal, in comparison, remained attached to the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, resulting in increasingly divergent foreign policies in the two countries.

This created an explosive situation that was stirred up by both countries' domestic news media, which focused heavily on the ethnic dimensions to the conflict.

[7] On 8 April 1989, there was a clash between Senegalese Soninke farmers and Mauritanian Fulani herdsmen in Mauritania over grazing rights in Diawara, a town in the Bakel Department of eastern Senegal.

[3][8] The Mauritanian Interior Minister, Djibril Ould Abdallahi, traveled to Dakar, Senegal a few days after the attack to speak on Senegalese television.

[9] As a result of the 8 April attack and the subsequent comments by Abdallahi, Senegalese citizens on the southern bank rioted, escalating the conflict.

On 25 April, Mauritanian soldiers and border guards in Southern Mauritania retaliated by beating to death at least 200 Senegalese citizens in an event now referred to as 'Black Tuesday'.

With assistance from the governments of France, Spain, Algeria, and Morocco, Mauritania and Senegal returned approximately 250,000 refugees to their country of origin.

[3][11] In September 1989, Egyptian president and newly elected Chairman of the OAU, Hosni Mubarak, held a mediatory meeting between representatives from Senegal and Mauritania.

They also argued that the true border between the countries lay north of the river, according to a 1933 French colonial decree, and that Senegalese citizens were owed compensation for their goods destroyed by Mauritanians.

[10] In terms of domestic politics in Senegal, the conflict may have contributed to the rise of the PDS and Abdoulaye Wade due to the then government's inability to deal with the social crisis caused by the influx of vast numbers of refugees.

Senegal was further undermined by its neighbors following the war, with problems arising over the demarcation of the border with Guinea-Bissau in the wake of the conflict, and difficulties with the Gambia leading to the dissolution of the Senegambia Confederation in 1989.

The refugees remaining in Senegal have cited their access to healthcare and education, as well as fear of ethnic persecution in Mauritania, as the reasons for staying.