Mor lam

Traditionally, the tune was developed by the singer as an interpretation of a klon poem and accompanied primarily by the khene (a free reed mouth organ).

Strong rhythmic accompaniments, vocal leaps, and a conversational style of singing distinguish lam from American rap.

Typically featuring a theme of unrequited love, mor lam often reflects the difficulties of life in rural Isan and Laos, leavened with wry humor.

Lam has gained a profile outside its native regions from the spread of migrant workers, for whom it remains an important cultural link with home.

In standard Thai, the music and the singer, as adopted from Isan usage, is also known as หมอลำ, molam, but because of the tone differences is generally pronounced /mɔ̌ː làm/.

Throughout the Lao-speaking heartlands, the only accompaniment to performances of khap and lam was the local free reed mouth-organ, the khène (BGN/PCGN)/khaen (RTGS).

[1] Most modern styles, including the northern khap varieties, are generally heard with ensembles consisting of a mixture of Western instruments and traditional ones.

Forced population transfers from Laos into the newly acquired region of Isan and what is now Central Thailand accelerated the rapid adoption of mor lam.

But in 1857,[3] following the vice-king's death, Mongkut banned public performances, citing the threat it posed to Thai culture and its alleged role in causing a drought.

Mor lam performers began to appear on television, led by Banyen Rakgaen, and the music soon gained a national profile.

It remains an important link to home for Isan migrants in the capital city, where mor lam clubs and karaoke bars are meeting places for those newly arrived.

Thai academic Prayut Wannaudom has argued that modern mor lam is increasingly sexualised and lacking in the moral teachings which it traditionally conveyed, and that commercial pressures encourage rapid production and imitation rather than quality and originality.

On the other hand, these adaptations have allowed mor lam not only to survive, but itself spread into the rest of Thailand and internationally, validating Isan and Lao culture and providing role-models for the young.

[9] Professor Charles F. Keyes argues for the value of the ancient forms as geomythology: "The Thai-Lao people of northeastern Thailand have a well-developed tradition of 'legends' (nithān) which has been perpetuated in past through the media of folk opera ... known as mō lam mū ... no small number record[ing] events which happened 'long ago' on the Khorat Plateau... [N]ot historical accounts, they are not totally lacking in historical value.

A number ... make reference to places which can be identified as being the sites of the ancient towns.... [T]he literature of the region has yet to be fully inventoried, much less analyzed", and adds in a footnote: "Unfortunately, most of these publications have had little circulation outside of the folk opera troupes for which they were intended."

The most important of the styles were Khon Kaen and Ubon, each taking their cue from the dominant form of lam gon in their area: the lam jotgae of Khon Kaen, with its role of displaying and passing on knowledge in various fields, led to a choppy, recitative-style delivery, while the love stories of Ubon promoted a slower and more fluent style.

ລຳສີທັນດອນ ລຳຊອມ ລຳສາລະວັນ ລຳຜູ້ໄທ ລຳຕັງຫວາຍ ລຳຄອນສະຫວັນ ລຳມະຫາໄຊ ຂັບຊຳເໜຶອ ຂັບຊຽງຂວາງ ອ່ານໜັງສື ຂັບທຸ້ມ Traditionally, young mor lam were taught by established artists, paying them for their teaching with money or in kind.

[20] With the decline of the traditional genres, this system has fallen into disuse; the emphasis on singing ability (or looks) is greater, while the lyrics of a brief modern song present no particular challenge of memorisation.

Even in the Isan heartland, Miller notes a clear division between the attitudes of rural and urban people: the former see mor lam as "teacher, entertainer, moral force, and preserver of tradition", while the latter, "hold mawlum singers in low esteem, calling them country bumpkins, reactionaries, and relegating them to among the lower classes since they make their money by singing and dancing".

These performances often include improvised material between songs and passages of teasing dialogue (Isan สอย, soi) between the singer and members of the audience.

Almost every contemporary mor lam song features the following bassline rhythm, which is often ornamented melodically or rhythmically, such as by dividing the crotchets into quavers:

Many songs feature a loyal boy or girl who stays at home in Isan, while his or her partner goes to work as a migrant labourer in Bangkok and finds a new, richer lover.

The gon verses in lam tang san were typically preceded by a slower, speech-rhythm introduction, which included the words o la no ("oh my dear", an exhortation to the listeners to pay attention) and often a summary of the content of the poem.

Some of the most popular current artists are Banyen Rakgan, Chalermphol Malaikham, Somjit Borthong, Pornsak Songsaeng, Jintara Poonlarp, Siriporn Ampaipong and Vieng Narumon.

In 2000, British musician Jah Wobble released the album Molam Dub (30 Hertz Records), a fusion of his reggae-influenced bass guitar with guest appearances by Laotian singers and performers.

A khene player in Isan
The xo ou (BGN/PCGN)/ so u (RTGS), the low-pitched fiddles common in some styles of lam from southern Laos and most of northeastern Thailand.
A lanat ék / ranat ék (BGN/PCGN)/ ranat ek (RTGS), a xylophone used in some varieties of khap and lam . The many types of lanat / ranat are also used in classical Lao music.
Mor lam performance-the men are playing the khene and wearing pha sarong
A mor lam VCD featuring Jintara. The karaoke text, dancers, and backdrop are typical of the genre.