[29][30][31] Later in his career, Rothbard advocated a libertarian alliance with paleoconservatism (which he called paleolibertarianism), favoring right-wing populism and describing David Duke and Joseph McCarthy as models for political strategy.

[41] Rothbard described his father as an individualist who embraced minimal government, free enterprise, private property and "a determination to rise by one's own merits ... [A]ll socialism seemed to me monstrously coercive and abhorrent.

It was only after Burns went on leave from the Columbia faculty to head President Eisenhower's Council of Economic Advisers that Rothbard's thesis was accepted, and he received his doctorate.

Justin Raimondo, his biographer,[50] writes that Rothbard liked teaching at Brooklyn Polytechnic because working only two days a week gave him the freedom to contribute to developments in libertarian politics.

[51][52] Then 60 years old, Rothbard left Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute for the Lee Business School at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas (UNLV), where he held the title of S.J.

[independent source needed] It was during this phase that he associated with Karl Hess (a former Barry Goldwater speechwriter who had rejected conservatism)[27] and founded Left and Right: A Journal of Libertarian Thought with Leonard Liggio and George Resch.

In 1982, Rothbard called Reagan's claims of spending cuts a "fraud" and a "hoax" and accused Reaganites of doctoring the economic statistics to give a false impression that their policies successfully reduced inflation and unemployment.

He opposed the "low-tax liberalism" espoused by 1980 Libertarian Party presidential candidate Ed Clark and Cato Institute president Edward H Crane III.

According to Charles Burris, "Rothbard and Crane became bitter rivals after disputes emerging from the 1980 LP presidential campaign of Ed Clark carried over to strategic direction and management of Cato".

"[26] Rothbard sought to cultivate radical anarcho-capitalists, while Crane and Koch wanted a more reformist approach to influence government and gain political power.

[71] In contrast to some other libertarian groups, the Mises Institute "pushed more politically marginal positions like the virtues of secession, the need for a return to the gold standard, and opposition to racial integration", according to historian Quinn Slobodian.

According to Reason, Rothbard advocated right-wing populism in part because he was frustrated that mainstream thinkers were not adopting the libertarian view and suggested that former Ku Klux Klan Grand Wizard David Duke, as well as Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy,[73] were models for an "Outreach to the Rednecks" effort that a broad libertarian/paleoconservative coalition could use.

[32] Regarding Duke's political program, Rothbard asserted that there was "nothing" in it that "could not also be embraced by paleoconservatives or paleolibertarians; lower taxes, dismantling the bureaucracy, slashing the welfare system, attacking affirmative action and racial set-asides, calling for equal rights for all Americans, including whites".

[97] Rothbard praised Smith's contemporaries, including Richard Cantillon, Anne Robert Jacques Turgot and Étienne Bonnot de Condillac, for developing the subjective theory of value.

[105] Georgetown Professor Randy Barnett says, regarding Rothbard's "insistence on complete ideological purity", that "[a]lmost every intellectual who entered his orbit was eventually spun off, or self emancipated, for some deviation or another.

[108][independent source needed] According to libertarian economists Tyler Cowen and Richard Fink,[109] Rothbard wrote that the term evenly rotating economy (ERE) could be used to analyze complexity in a world of change.

[110] In a 2011 article critical of Rothbard's "reflexive opposition" to inflation, The Economist noted that his views were increasingly gaining influence among politicians and laypeople on the right.

"[115] In it, Rothbard wrote: "At the heart of the egalitarian left is the pathological belief that there is no structure of reality; that all the world is a tabula rasa that can be changed at any moment in any desired direction by the mere exercise of human will.

[125] During his years at graduate school in the late 1940s, Rothbard considered whether strict adherence to libertarian and laissez-faire principles required the abolition of the state altogether.

Rothbard said that during this period, he was influenced by 19th-century American individualist anarchists like Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker and the Belgian economist Gustave de Molinari who wrote about how such a system could work.

[10] In an unpublished article, Rothbard wrote that economically speaking, individualist anarchism differs from anarcho-capitalism and jokingly pondered whether libertarians should adopt the term nonarchist.

[28] Rothbard criticized women's rights activists, attributing the growth of the welfare state to politically active spinsters "whose busybody inclinations were not fettered by the responsibilities of home and hearth".

He consistently favored repeal of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, including Title VII regarding employment discrimination,[138] and called for overturning the Brown v. Board of Education decision on the grounds that state-mandated integration of schools violated libertarian principles.

[139] In an essay called "Right-wing Populism", Rothbard proposed a set of measures to "reach out" to the "middle and working classes", which included urging the police to crack down on "street criminals", writing that "cops must be unleashed" and "allowed to administer instant punishment, subject of course to liability when they are in error".

[142] Rothbard also suggested that opposition to Martin Luther King Jr., whom he demeaned as a "coercive integrationist", should be a litmus test for members of his "paleolibertarian" political movement.

[146] Rothbard condemned the "Northern war against slavery", saying it was inspired by "fanatical" religious faith and characterized by "a cheerful willingness to uproot institutions, to commit mayhem and mass murder, to plunder and loot and destroy, all in the name of high moral principle".

[147][148][149] He celebrated Jefferson Davis, Robert E. Lee, and other prominent Confederates as heroes while denouncing Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant, and other Union leaders, who he said had "opened the Pandora's Box of genocide and the extermination of civilians".

[157] In his essay, "War Guilt in the Middle East", Rothbard wrote that Israel refused "to let these refugees return and reclaim the property taken from them," [158] and took negative views of a two state solution for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.

[161] Economist Gene Callahan of Cardiff University, formerly a scholar at the Rothbard-affiliated Mises Institute, wrote that Rothbard allowed "the logical elegance of his legal theory" to "trump any arguments based on the moral reprehensibility of a parent idly watching her six-month-old child slowly starve to death in its crib".

[166] Gene Callahan examines this position and concludes that Rothbard rejects the widely held belief that torture is inherently wrong, no matter who the victim.