The resulting National Christian Party (PNC) offered a venue for conservative antisemites with fascist sympathies, but was rejected by PNA moderates, as well as by some of the League's radicals.

Historian Adolf Minuț argues that Carol personally intervened to create a rift between the two men, this being one of a "web of Carlist machinations" to isolate his constitutionalist adversaries.

Early defectors also included a large part of the PP eminences in Transylvania and the Banat: Sebastian Bornemisa, Eugen P. Barbul, Laurian Gabor, and Petru Nemoianu.

[26] The group also reached out of its PP constituency, and had traction among people not previously involved in party politics, such as Virgil Molin, a journalist and president of the Craiova chamber of labor.

[29] A small PNA chapter existed at Iași; it was very joined by another writer, Păstorel Teodoreanu, who had publicized disagreements with the local chairman, Florin Sion, and quit the party shortly after.

"[7] Historian Stanley G. Payne describes the splinter group as authoritarian nationalist and "rightist", or "rather more overtly right radical" than Mihail Manoilescu's own dissident faction.

[36] The National Agrarians adopted Dumnezeu, Patrie, Rege ("God, Fatherland, King") as their slogan, a rallying cry already associated with Goga before the party's formation.

[37] The group's rejection of democracy had its roots in Goga's 1927 book, Mustul care fierbe ("The Frothing Must"), which argued that the masses needed a "moral eminence" to "inspire in them tranquility and safety.

[43] Goga's agrarianism was identified as the main point of attraction by recruits such as Dumitru Topciu;[44] it rested on the notion that peasants were a unifying factor, their shared culture transcending regional divisions.

[47] In parallel, Goga's intellectual debt to corporatism took form as promises to enact class collaboration, or "harmonious solidarity between workers, peasants and all other productive forces".

[48] Historian Oltea Rășcanu Gramaticu, who focused on the politics of Tutova County, noted that the PNA enjoyed "some popularity", due to its "radical solutions for revitalizing small plots owned by the peasants".

However, his assistance proved a moderating influence, obliging Cuza to purge the LANC of radicals such as Ion Zelea Codreanu, Valer Pop, and Traian Brăileanu.

[61] While commenting on Goga's political duplicity, Carandino argued that he "was just as ready to serve the monarchy, the [National] Liberals, [the Jewish businessman] Aristide Blank, or anyone else who would have hired him.

[64] Xenophobic radicalization was additionally enhanced by the PNA–PNȚ conflict: Goga castigated his adversaries for their alleged grafting during the "Škoda Affair", which had profited the Polish industrialist Bruno Seletzky.

[65] The PNA nevertheless had various Jewish affiliates, including the Vianus, who probably believed that membership would complement their assimilation,[28] and journalist Henric Streitman, who was primarily motivated by anticommunism.

[68] Another leading party figure was Jewish businessman Leon Preiss, who chaired the PNA section in Bucharest's Black Sector and, in 1932, still referred to Goga as a friend of the Jews.

[24] The leading candidates included Dragomir, Ghițescu, Gorun, Ioanid, Lupaș, Nemoianu, Scridon, Topciu, Valjean, Sergiu Niță, I. C. Atanasiu, as well as the party leader and his brother Eugen Goga.

Eight were elected, including Octavian Goga for Mureș, Ioanid for Mehedinți, Ghițescu for Teleorman, Pavel Guciujna for Orhei, and Valjean for Romanați;[77] Scridon also entered the Assembly by taking the second seat in Năsăud County, with 2,069 votes.

[83] On June 26, addressing a crowd gathered outside Târgoviște, he announced his contempt for the PNȚ, describing its leader, Iuliu Maniu, as "responsible for all misfortunes that have fallen upon this country.

[99] Such results proved well below Goga's expectations, and widely acknowledged as a sign that the Romanian electorate had not been persuaded by the tenets of radical nationalism—the party leader himself noted that propaganda had been "inefficient".

Reportedly, Goga offered to fuse the PNA group into the FR, asking that he be assigned vice-chairmanship; Vaida refused, since he had promised that role to a long-time collaborator of his, Aurel Vlad.

[114] Goga's Nazi contacts also networked for the creation of a Romanian fascist party bringing together the PNA, the LANC, and the Georgists, but the project failed to materialize in this form.

A far-left antifascist, Scarlat Callimachi, noted in September 1935 that the PNC was made up from regional chapters that had no common ideological ground, the entire enterprise having been engineered by Hitler.

[125] The fusion resulted in another split: after being sidelined in favor of a Goga favorite, Ion V. Emilian quit the PNC and formed his own movement, called "Fire Swastika".

As he noted there, his own agrarianism was a venue for "practical reforms"; he also challenged Goga's external policies, arguing that Romania's economic dependency on Germany could not dilute her commitments to France and Britain.

As noted by his philosopher grandson, Virgil Nemoianu, though Boldea agreed to join the PNC, his "inclination toward Germany clashed with his antipathy toward [Hitler's] vulgarity and cruelty.

"[128] Valjean's own National Agrarian Party, centered on Romanați, counted among its members poet Horia Furtună, sculptor Dumitru Pavelescu-Dimo, and businessman Sterie Ionescu (formerly of the League Against Usury).

[133] Tudor Vianu left before the unification and the adoption of full-on antisemitism,[28] with his brother resigning in 1935;[29] by contrast, Streitman remained an outside ally, serving as the PNC's electoral agent.

[135] Carol's eventual recall of the PNC cabinet that same month inaugurated a monarchist dictatorship: the 1938 Constitution proclaimed a corporate state, and all political parties were dissolved.

[137] He died suddenly in May 1938, leaving the PNC to separate into its pre-1935 formations: while Cuza opted to fully support the dictatorial project, former PNA activists grouped into a dissident, if politically insignificant, Union of National Awareness (Uniunea Conștiinței Naționale, UCN).