A common denominator of the Neue Rechte is a skeptical or negative stance towards the basic tenets of the German constitution, often in the sense of an ethnic (völkisch) nationalism.
When the far-right National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) was founded in 1964, its younger members began to call themselves Junge Rechte; this was in order to differ from Nazi models and to counter the German student movement.
The adherents stressed the perspective of a pan-European 'cultural struggle'; their concepts were embodied by the foundation of the Thule-Seminar as the German branch of the French Groupement de recherche et d'études pour la civilisation européenne (GRECE).
The rise of right-wing parties as The Republicans led by Franz Schönhuber, the Pro Movement, and the Alternative for Germany (AfD) is a matter of ongoing debate among German political scientists.
Historically, the Neue Rechte is linked to the positions of right-wing ideologues in the Weimar Republic, later summarized under the heading 'Conservative Revolution' by writers like Armin Mohler.
Several members of the Neue Rechte also refer to theorists like Georges Sorel, Vilfredo Pareto, Robert Michels, Julius Evola, and José Antonio Primo de Rivera seen as fascist pioneers.
[4] According to Griffin, the preferred target groups of the New Right's "culture war" are segments of society in which young people who have a certain tolerance for Neue Rechte positions can be found: e.g. fraternities and displaced persons.
[7] In addition to musical reviews, the fanzine Sigill (later Zinnober) also published essays on the work of Armin Mohler, Ernst Jünger, Julius Evola and others.
[10] The Neue Rechte movement has not achieved an integrated opposite position to Western liberalism: while a main neoconservative tendency strongly refers to pre-war traditions and even affect centre-right parties, a second wing openly uses terms like "revolution" or "socialism" in political disputes, based on the model of Ernst Niekisch and Strasserist concepts.
The New Right also refers to pioneers and theorists of fascism such as Julius Evola, Robert Michels, Vilfredo Pareto, José Antonio Primo de Rivera und Georges Sorel.
The weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit, which historians and political scientists classify as an organ of the New Right, has dedicated a series of articles to these and similar thinkers and regularly reviews books about them.
However, this reference was also a symbolic attribute, according to historian Wolfgang Kowalsky, "which made it possible to break the anti-fascist consensus that had assigned every right-wing extremist position since 1945 a socio-political place "hors statut", in other words: stigmatized it".
[14][15] As there are currently no historical conditions, such as a mass movement, for a desired turnaround, the most important tactical approach of the New Right is the claim to achieve "discourse sovereignty" in social debates and cultural hegemony.
Once this goal has been achieved, society is "ripe" for an overthrow of the status quo through an increasing number of electoral shares and parliamentary seats until government responsibility is assumed.
However, its chief editor Dieter Stein, a former member of The Republicans, denounces the term and instead advocates a more traditionally Christian, yet decidedly nationalist and democratic conservatism.
It is the first library with this content in Germany and was founded by Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing and his foundation Förderstiftung Konservative Bildung und Forschung [de] (FKBF).