History of South Africa (1994–present)
The commission heard many stories of horrific brutality and injustice from all sides of the struggle, and offered some catharsis to people and communities shattered by their past experiences.
The GEAR strategy was influenced by the economic ideas that became known as the Washington Consensus; it aimed to cut state expenditure, rationalise the public sector and reduce the budget deficit to 3% by 1999.
Nelson Mandela wore a Springbok rugby jersey to present the William Webb Ellis Cup to South African captain Francois Pienaar, a symbolic image of reconciliation between the races.
The DP had traditionally functioned as a stronghold of liberal whites, and now gained new support from conservatives disenchanted with the NP, and from some middle-class blacks.
While the IFP lost some support, its leader, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, continued to exercise power as the national Home Affairs minister.
However, Mbeki's effective denial of the HIV crisis invited global criticism, and his conspicuous failure to condemn the deteriorating situation in neighbouring Zimbabwe unnerved South African landowners.
Popular support for Mbeki also suffered from the feeling that his government's economic policies had failed to generate inclusive development.
It was criticised as benefiting mostly a narrow stratum of previously disadvantaged groups, and the programme was re-launched in 2007 as Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment.
However, in 2008 a landmark ruling by high court judge Chris Nicholson found that the re-charging of Zuma by the National Prosecuting Authority was illegal and was unduly influenced by Mbeki due to political motives.
As a consequence of the judge's findings of political interference, the ANC's National Executive Committee requested the recall of Mbeki as the country's president.
[14] Tensions within the ANC following Mbeki's departure led to a number of prominent members defecting to form a new party, the Congress of the People (COPE), under the leadership of Mosiuoa Lekota, Mbhazima Shilowa and Mluleki George.
[16] The shift in economic policy, started with Mbeki's ejection from the presidency, continued with the appointment of Pravin Gordhan as Finance Minister instead of Trevor Manuel.
[18] The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), led by former ANC youth leader Julius Malema, gained 6.4% of the vote and entered parliament as the third largest party.
[26][27] In February 2018, the Parliament of South Africa passed a motion to review the property ownership clause of the constitution, to allow for the expropriation of land, in the public interest, without compensation.
The main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA) got 21% of the vote and the radical Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), led by Julius Malema, came third with 11%.
This led to the ANC to form a Second Government of National Unity, a coalition with the DA, IFP, Patriotic Alliance, Freedom Front Plus and GOOD.
[36] The immediate post-apartheid period was marked by an exodus of skilled white South Africans, who left due to safety concerns.
[39] A further financial burden was imposed on the new post-apartheid government through its obligation to provide antiretroviral (ARV) treatment to impoverished victims of the HIV-AIDS epidemic sweeping the country.
South Africa had the highest prevalence of HIV-AIDS compared to any other country in the world, with 5,600,000 people afflicted by the disease and 270,000 HIV-related deaths were recorded in 2011.
[40] Migrant labour remained a fundamental aspect of the South African mining industry, which employed half a million, mostly black miners.
[42] Widespread dissatisfaction with the slow pace of socio-economic transformation, government incompetence and maladministration, and other public grievances in the post-apartheid era, precipitated many violent protest demonstrations.
[48] A wealth tax on the super-rich to fund developmental projects was set aside, while domestic and international corporations, enriched by apartheid, were excused from any financial reparations.
