Cook left the party in the following year when he was obliged to sign a pledge that he would support all caucus decisions in parliament.

[4] At the 1910 election, the Labor Party first won government in NSW with a slim majority of 46 of 90 seats; as a result, McGowen was premier from 1910 to 1913.

When Hughes met with the executive of NSW Labor in September 1916 to attempt to persuade them to back his conscription plan, he lost the vote 21–5 and was warned that he would be expelled if he continued to press the matter.

Following the exodus of pro-conscription MPs from the party, many leaders of the Industrial Section took advantage of the new vacancies to secure selection for open seats.

At this point it was increasingly beset by internal divisions, in particular between the relatively conservative AWU and smaller unions and radicals such as the syndicalist-influenced Sam Rosa.

This left the state party firmly in the control of the AWU[4] At the 1920 election, Holman and his Nationalists were thrown from office in a massive swing to Labor.

His government was defeated on the floor of the House on 13 December 1921, but new Premier George Fuller lost a vote within seven hours of his appointment, and Dooley regained power.

[5] As the result of a dispute with a party executive, dominated by the Australian Workers' Union, Dooley was expelled from the party in February 1923 and replaced by Greg McGirr as leader, but the Federal Executive intervened and appointed Bill Dunn as an interim leader until Jack Lang was elected by the caucus,[6] with the support of more radical unions, most prominently Albert Willis and his Australian Coal and Shale Employees' Federation.

The following year Lang and his extra-parliamentary allies drastically altered the party rules so that State Conference delegates and members of the Central Executive were elected in a complicated group system.

In October 1931, Lang's followers in the federal House of Representatives crossed the floor to vote with the conservative United Australia Party and bring down the Scullin government.

He was desperate to keep the New South Wales branch of the ALP united despite the sectarian and ideological split that resulted in the formation of the right-wing Democratic Labor Party in 1954.

This period saw the rise of the "Balmain Basket Weavers," a radical left group that transformed inner-city branches and drove out right-wing MPs.

Throughout the 1990s and 2000s, Albanese’s Hard Left faction worked closely with the Right, using mechanisms like the "N40 rule" and the ALP National Executive’s "plenary powers" to deselect grassroots left-wing candidates and impose centrally selected ones.

[14] Iemma and the Treasurer Michael Costa supported the idea to sidestep the high costs and industrial risks of the existing RailCorp network and instead begin building a new rapid transit rail system in parallel.

[15] This is why I am the Premier.Journalist Simon Benson describes a crucial meeting in late 2007 between Iemma and Labor state president Bernie Riordan during the height of the furore over electricity privatisation: [Iemma] had laid out on his desk a spreadsheet of infrastructure projects … On the bottom half were all the projects the state needed if it was to avoid choking on its own congestion within the next decade.

"[15]Immediately following the 2007 election, Iemma and Treasurer Costa secretly plotted their strategy for the next four years, under the heading of "bullets to bite".

[15][16] Along with his plan to sell the government's electricity generation and retailing companies, Iemma announced a massive infrastructure scheme involving South West Rail Link, an inner city motorway network, and the Metro Link network, a system of underground, privately operated, single-deck, automated trains.

[18] The party secretary, Karl Bitar, and his deputy, Luke Foley, were less ideologically committed on the issue, but their polling showed that the public was against a sale and – more importantly – tiring of Iemma and his team.

[15] What followed was an extraordinary, year-long struggle by the party's head office and affiliated trade unions to force cabinet and caucus to abandon an already-announced policy.

Remembering the promise Rudd had made to him in 2007, Iemma called on the Prime Minister to have the federal party intervene to protect MPs who sided with the Government.

Former Prime Minister Paul Keating, former premiers Carr, Barrie Unsworth and Neville Wran, and former Labor Council secretaries Michael Easson and John McBean came out publicly in support of Iemma.

On 3 September 2008, Deputy Premier and Transport Minister John Watkins announced he was going to retire for family reasons, triggering a cabinet reshuffle.

The following day, right-wing Labor powerbrokers Eddie Obeid and Joe Tripodi told Iemma that he had lost the support of MPs and would not survive a caucus meeting.

Foley resigned in November 2018 in the face of sexual assault allegations, and was succeeded by Michael Daley in the resulting leadership contest.

[33] By the time of the 2023 state election, the party had a myriad of key election promises, including: scrapping the public-sector wages cap;[34][35] "Improve conditions for tenants by establishing a Rental Commissioner to advocate for renters, allowing renters to directly transfer bonds from one property to another, outlawing secret rental bidding, and listing reasonable grounds for owners to end a lease (to stop unfair evictions);"[36] "ensure the trains are built in New South Wales, creating at least 1,000 jobs;"[37] "establish TAFE manufacturing centres so every year, an extra 1,000 apprentices can be trained in skills like mechanical engineering and electrical fitting for free;"[37] "Tradies and truck drivers using the M5 East and M8 would also have their tolls cut.

ABC News stated, following the election, that "Labor's pledge to scrap the Coalition's public-sector wages cap was, in hindsight, instrumental in delivering the party majority government.

[46] Between 2009 and 2014, the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) began or completed a series of investigations into the behaviours of a number of Labor politicians, including Angela D'Amore,[47] Tony Kelly,[48] Ian Macdonald,[49][50][51] Eddie Obeid,[52][53][54] Karyn Paluzzano,[55][56] and Joe Tripodi.

[60][61] Seeking to stamp out perceived corruption and factional infighting, Senator John Faulkner began a process of reforms that proposed to include rank–and–file members in decisions such as the selection of candidates for Senate and Legislative Council vacancies and party tickets, and a vote in the direct election of the New South Wales parliamentary leaders.

[65] Michael Lavarch conducted the review after Murnain admitted to the Independent Commission Against Corruption (New South Wales) that she was aware that billionaire property developer Huang Xiangmo made an illegal $100,000 donation to NSW Labor in 2016.

It recorded a severe funding shortfall at the 2015 NSW state election, and had to rely on a $1.68 million loan from the party proper to remain solvent.