[2] While attending the Faculty of Law at the University of Hamburg, von Bolschwing also began pursuing a career in international commerce, working for the East Asian trading house of C. Illies & Co. from 1928 to 1930.

In partnership with General Werner von Blomberg, he embarked on an effort to build a cement factory near the town of Heilsberg, East Prussia on behalf of the German Reichswehr.

[7] In this role, von Mildenstein formulated SS policy toward Germany’s Jews, which, at this early stage, was centered on stimulating the immigration of Jewish citizens beyond the borders of the Third Reich.

To this end, von Mildenstein emerged as a vocal proponent of Zionism as a method well-suited to resolve the official impasse within the Nazi government over how best to rectify the so-called “Jewish Question”.

[15][2]Von Bolschwing's report suggested using this kind of organized, but unlawful, street violence in combination with legal bureaucratic measures such as economic sanctions, special taxes, and passport controls to purge Germany of its Jews.

Eichmann assumed leadership of the Gestapo's Referat IV B4 (Jewish Affairs and Evacuation) while von Bolschwing was assigned to the Ausland-SD Amt VI (Foreign Security Service).

Under the new regime, known as the National Legionary State, the Iron Guard played a dominant political role, with five of their members taking over government ministries, including Foreign Affairs and the Interior.

Acting on his own initiative, von Bolschwing conspired with Iron Guard leaders Horia Sima and Valerian Trifa to organize a violent attempt to overthrow the Antonescu government.

Following the war, he would claim to American authorities that, while serving in Holland, he had been secretly tasked by Jost with attempting to establish a back-channel line of communication with British intelligence via neutral Portugal.

After illegally acquiring 20 percent ownership of the company for himself, von Bolschwing also took over the management of Chemiefirma's Vienna office and facilitated its use as a front organization by the Abwehr, the German military intelligence service.

[1] He soon abandoned his previous loyalties to the Nazi Party and the SS and, under the auspices of his new brother-in-law, von Bolschwing served as a partisan of the Austrian Resistance in the Tyrolean Alps during the closing months of the war.

[7] Von Bolschwing was undeterred and obtained a position as a covert operative with the Gehlen Organization, an American-subsidized West German intelligence service staffed primarily by former officials of the Third Reich.

Few Iron Guardsmen were interested in leaving exile and returning to their homeland as spies and those who did formed an intelligence network that was regularly penetrated by Soviet agents and produced information that was often of only negligible value.

His organization received a sum of roughly US$20,000 annually to maintain operations, while von Bolschwing personally held a lucrative cover occupation with Austria Verlags GmbH, a US-funded publishing house associated with the Austrian League for the United Nations.

[7] Ironically, as von Bolschwing’s star was fading within the Gehlen Organization, events would produce a situation that enabled him to achieve his initial postwar ambition of working directly for US intelligence.

Despite the middling results of his Romanian operation and his questionable abilities as an agent, Critchfield nevertheless viewed von Bolschwing as an invaluable potential asset with useful anti-Soviet contacts throughout central and eastern Europe,[1] telling his superiors in Washington: We are convinced that von Bolschwing's Romanian operations...his internal Austrian political and intelligence connections, and last but not least, his knowledge of and probable future on [Aus]Odeum's activities in and through Austria make him a valuable man whom we must control.

[17]Whereas US intelligence agencies had seen fit to reject von Bolschwing as self-serving and disloyal in 1947, the major intensification of the Cold War over the ensuing two years had led them to see those matters as less vital by 1949.

[1] Von Bolschwing had also impressed his CIA interlocutors with claims that his previous employer, the Gehlen Organization, was likely compromised by Soviet intelligence due to its reliance on former Wehrmacht officers to fill its upper-ranks.

[9]The strategy proved effective and by February 1950 von Bolschwing was working on behalf of the CIA station in Pullach as a case officer, serving under the Agency cryptonym: "Unrest".

While continuing to direct the infiltration of CIA assets into Communist-controlled eastern Europe, von Bolschwing’s group also secretly monitored the actions and personnel of the Gehlen Organization for disloyalty or potential penetration by Soviet intelligence, reporting their findings to their American sponsors.

In his interactions with CIA officials, von Bolschwing acknowledged that he had been a member of both the Nazi Party and the SS, but carefully distanced himself from the Hitler regime's anti-Semitic racial ideology and aggressive expansionism.

Citing his prewar standing as a propertied aristocrat and financier, von Bolschwing presented his choice to join the Nazi Party as a straightforward and practical decision, motivated entirely by a desire to preserve his wealth and status.

Similarly, a detailed background report on von Bolschwing that had been commissioned by Critchfield while evaluating him for potential CIA service, also completely omitted any information about his involvement with the Judenreferat or his association with Adolf Eichmann.

[7] With the support of Richard Helms, Chief of German Operations for the CIA in Washington, Critchfield overcame the objections of the Agency’s Berlin case officer Peter Sichel and had the incriminating files removed from the BDC.

Von Bolschwing correctly predicted that his name would be mentioned during the course of Eichmann’s trial and feared that any renewed investigation would uncover his own role in the persecution and murder of European Jews under the Nazis.

This surprised the CIA’s Counterintelligence staff, who had been unaware of von Bolschwing’s involvement with the Jewish Affairs Office; they began their own investigation to determine the Agency’s exposure in sheltering an alleged war criminal.

The CIA issued a directive advising its station chiefs in West Germany that, while von Bolschwing would be making regular trips to the country, he was doing so as a private citizen and not as a representative of the Agency.

Several of TCI's major shareholders were accused of syndicating their stock and selling it to small investors, an act made illegal under a 1968 law requiring that all security sales be registered.

[21] Their inquiry into Trifa eventually led INS investigators to von Bolschwing, whom they determined had lied about his past Nazi affiliations on his application for citizenship, a fact that made him liable for deportation from the United States.

[1] Under the terms of the arrangement, von Bolschwing publicly admitted that he had lied about his membership in the Nazi Party, the SS and the RSHA, but was not required to disclose his involvement with Adolf Eichmann, the Office of Jewish Affairs or the Bucharest pogrom.