The demonstrations lack centralized leadership and originated primarily among grassroots movements and social organizations on the left to far-left, as well as indigenous communities, who feel politically disenfranchised.

[35] Among the main demands of the demonstrators are the dissolution of Congress, the resignation of Boluarte, new general elections, the release of Castillo, and the formation of a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution.

[49] Some right-wing groups and the Boluarte government would instead use the terruqueo fear mongering tactic to label some of the protesters as terrorists; a practice that dates back to the internal conflict in Peru and has been condemned by United Nations experts.

[86][87] Congress, with one-third of its members belonging to a far-right bloc,[88] would reject all attempts of reform, including the advancing of general elections, constitutional proposals and motions to impeach Boluarte.

[94][95][96][97] This practice has continued throughout Peru's history and has resulted with large levels of economic inequality, political alienation and other disparities in rural regions, with Lima acquiring the majority of socioeconomic benefits in the nation.

[98][94] Centralismo also contributed to systemic racism in Peru since the wealth and education centralized in Lima created a perception amongst Limeños that rural indigenous individuals were inferior.

As a result, there were significant disparities in living standards between the more-developed capital city of Lima and similar coastal regions, while rural provinces remained impoverished.

[102][103][104] By the 2020s, the existing disparities in Peru caused a "globalization fatigue" according to Asensio, resulting in a polarization between rural and urban areas that saw differing priorities with lifestyle, economics and politics.

[100][105][106] The political legacy of the Fujimori family was assumed by Keiko after her father Alberto, who instituted Plan Verde and oversaw the Grupo Colina death squad during the internal conflict in Peru, was sentenced to prison for human rights abuses.

[107][108][106][109] During their majority in congress, Fujimorists "earned a reputation as hardline obstructionists for blocking initiatives popular with Peruvians aimed at curbing the nation’s rampant corruption" according to the Associated Press.

[102] In May 2021, Americas Quarterly wrote: "Life expectancy in Huancavelica, for example, the region where Castillo received his highest share of the vote in the first round, is seven years shorter than in Lima.

[126] Far-right groups of former soldiers, including La Resistencia, also allied with political parties like Advance Country, Popular Force, and Popular Renewal in an effort to remove Castillo, with some veteran leaders seen directly with Rafael López Aliaga and Castillo's former presidential challenger Keiko Fujimori, who signed the Madrid Charter promoted by the Spanish radical right political party Vox.

[138][139] By December 2022, Congress had begun motions to attempt the impeachment of Castillo for a third time; he was involved with six different criminal investigations and had already named five separate cabinets to serve under him.

[28] The DINI chief would explain to President Boluarte that protests would worsen due to the broad range of requests, including Bolaurte's resignation, the dissolution of Congress, a constituent assembly and immediate general elections.

[28] The general would later state in an interview with La Republica that "To say that there is a 'terrorist inurgency' is stupid", criticizing the Boluarte government for using such rhetoric and for accusing foreign entities of being involved in the protests.

[28] The Boluarte government later replaced General Barrantes with Colonel Juan Carlos Liendo O'Connor, a former National Intelligence Service (SIN) agent who worked under Vladimiro Montesinos who described the protests as a "terrorist insurrection" while on Willax Televisión a day prior to his appointment.

[179][180][181] Hours after the kidnappings, the demonstrators released the police officers and numerous social organizations from the department of Apurimac declared themselves in a "popular insurgency" and will begin a regional strike starting Monday, 12 December.

[202] Heading into the new year, the Peruvian National Police (PNP) called for citizens to participate in a "Great March for Peace" on 3 January 2023 in the town squares of cities throughout Peru.

[222][223] Protesters congregated in Lima would continue to demonstrate in the subsequent weeks, with the first death in the capital city occurring on 28 January 2023 when police shot a man in the head with a tear gas canister.

The Boluarte government submitted to Congress a bill to change the Criminal Procedure Code to increase the length of imprisonment for protesters to up to 15 years during a state of emergency and to remove due process towards accused individuals, immediately sending demonstrators to trial.

[234] Analysts described Boluarte's proposal as unconstitutional, saying that penalties for protesting were more severe than those charged with rape, that it removes the possibility of citizens protecting themselves from authorities during a state of emergency and that it increases the already high levels of impunity enjoyed by the armed forces and police in Peru.

[234] Boluarte would align with far-right politicians and use the fear mongering tactic of the terruqueo during the protests accusing terrorist groups and Bolivia of organizing demonstrations, though The New York Times wrote that she provided no evidence.

[54] Edgar Stuardo Ralón, Vice President of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) stated that the use of the terruqueo by the government and authorities created "an environment of permissy and tolerance towards discrimination, stigmatization and institutional violence".

[57][190][243][244] Between 20 and 27 December 2022, the Peruvian National Police purchased 31,615 tear gas canisters and grenades from Condor Chemical Industry and the Army Weapons and Ammunition Factory (FAME) for US$661,530.

[46] Experts of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights were greatly concerned about arbitrary killings performed by Peruvian authorities against protesters.

A New York Times investigation stated regarding the two events concluded that authorities intentionally used lethal force when they fired shotguns and assault rifles at unarmed protesters who were fleeing from them.

Strong protests occurred in indigenous and Quechua majority regions, the center of Castillo's support, raising comparisons between Boluarte's actions and that of previous anti-Native governments of Peru.

[254] Edgar Stuardo Ralón, Vice President of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), stated during a delegation visit to Peru that individuals living in Lima participated in "widespread stigmatization" that is linked to "the historical and structural inequalities that exist in the country, those linked to the historical discrimination faced by indigenous peoples, the peasant population and the provinces", with such stigmatization resulting with increased political polarization and violence.

"[50] According to Legislative Decree 1186 of August 2015, the Peruvian National Police are responsible for the use of force against protesters, are prohibited from shooting at short range and are only to fire at the lower extremities.

[267] Journalists interviewed by Wayka reported that authorities would frequently attack press workers and would attempt to prevent photographers from capturing images of individuals being detained.