[4] His mother Louise was of Corsican descent and his grandfather, Jean Rocchi, a fervent Bonapartist and friend of Pierre Taittinger, future leader of the Jeunesses Patriotes.

[4] His brother Jacques was sentenced to 10 years in jail for his past in the Vichy intelligence services, his mother released with all charges dropped, and Pierre was sent in autumn 1946 to the Natzweiler-Struthof concentration camp in Alsace.

Sidos then began to write about druidism and the Celtic Cross, which he described in his prison notes as the allegory of the "walking sun and universal life", a symbol he would later use in all the organizations he created: Jeune Nation, Occident and L'Œuvre Française.

Sidos refused the proposition, while hundreds of former Nazi collaborators were sent to fight within the French army in southeast Asia, diffusing Wehrmacht and SS songs they had learnt during their internment in Natzweiler-Struthof.

[4] Publicly unknown for several years, the movement experienced a sudden fame and a rise in membership after the return of military personnel from south-east Asia following the end of the First Indochina War on 20 July 1954.

"[7] Although they were largely inspired by the ideologies of fascist Italy and Vichy France,[8] Jeune Nation began to break with the collaborationist circles that had been protecting them since Sidos' prison time.

As Gaullists and former resisters were joining their ranks during the Algerian war, Sidos furthermore banned any evocation of the period 1933–1945 among its militants, with only a few events like the commemorations of Robert Brasillach or 6 February 1934 allowed to take place.

On 9–10 October 1954, a commando raid led by Sidos carjacked a van transporting issues of the communist newspaper L’Humanité Dimanche, then destroyed them and assaulted the driver who died a few months later as a result of his injuries.

During the presidential campaign of far-right candidate Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour, Occident was largely involved in the grassroots movement Comité Jeunes ("Youth Committee"), which quickly attracted several hundred members.

[13] In February 1966, he created with André Cantelaube the magazine Le Soleil ("The Sun"), which later became the official organ of L'Œuvre Française from 1968 until it was banned from publicity and sales to minors in 1990 following the Gayssot Act, then replaced by a resurrected Jeune Nation in 1994.

[14] Sidos was labeled the "bard of antisemitism" by historian Pierre Milza, and Le Soleil defended a form of anti-capitalist nationalism that denounced the role of Jews in finance, politics and the industries, as well as the "threat" represented by the state of Israel in geopolitics.

[5] He attempted to run in the 1969 French presidential election on this platform, seeking to stand as a nationalist and anti-Zionist candidate,[20] but his candidacy was rejected by the Constitutional Council on a technical basis.

[15] Sidos was said to have met António Salazar for a short encounter in the 1960s, king Faisal of Saudi Arabia for a one-hour meeting on 28 April 1971 in Riyadh, as well as Juan Perón on 22 October of the following year in Madrid, and former SS colonel Otto Skorzeny in the same city.

To this end he joined François Brigneau, Pierre Pujo and Jean Madiran in a commemoration service for the tenth anniversary of the occupation of Saint-Nicolas-du-Chardonnet by the Society of St. Pius X in 1987.

[24] The party however later tightened its policy regarding the association, Marine Le Pen denouncing an "operation of entryism" to facilitate the seizure of power by her rival Bruno Gollnisch in the FN.

[25] Following Jean-Marie Le Pen's departure from the leadership in 2011, replaced by his daughter Marine, Sidos severed all ties with the party, telling far-right newspaper Rivarol that he did not feel a woman should have such an important position.

[29] Manuel Valls, then Minister of the Interior, denounced L'Œuvre Française as a group "spreading a xenophobic and antisemitic ideology, diffusing racist and Holocaust-denying thesis, exalting collaboration [with the Nazis] and the Vichy regime, paying regular tribute to Pétain, Brasillach or Maurras",[30] adding that the movement was "organized like a private militia in paramilitary-like training camps.