[10] Under García, Peru experienced hyperinflation and increased confrontations with the Maoist Shining Path terrorist group, leading the country towards high levels of instability.
[3] The Peruvian armed forces grew frustrated with the inability of the García administration to handle the nation's crises and began to draft a plan to overthrow his government.
[12] A plan to establish a "civil-military government" is detailed; military-appointed presidents and ministers who "can be changed or be victims of attacks" were designated to be "drivers" to operate the state, described as a "vehicle".
The disadvantage was that it did not allow them to carry out all their proposals comfortably.The coup initially included in the plan was opposed by Anthony C. E. Quainton, the United States Ambassador to Peru.
[14] Vargas Llosa later reported that Ambassador Quainton personally told him that allegedly leaked documents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) purportedly being supportive of Fujimori's candidacy were authentic.
[12] Peruvian magazine Oiga reported that following the election, the armed forces were unsure of Fujimori's willingness to fulfill their objectives, writing in an evaluation note on 13 June 1990 that "We cannot expect anything certain from Cambio 90 and the country is not there for more economic experiments".
[7] According to Oiga, the armed forces finalized plans on 18 June 1990 involving multiple scenarios for a coup to be executed on 27 July 1990, the day prior to Fujimori's inauguration.
[6] Rospigliosi writes that SIN head General Edwin "Cucharita" Díaz beside Montesinos also played a key role with making Fujimori abide by the military's demands.
[19][20] Between 1988 and 1995, de Soto and the ILD were mainly responsible for some four hundred initiatives, laws, and regulations that led to significant changes in Peru's economic system.
[23] De Soto convinced then-president Fujimori to travel to New York City in a meeting organized by the Peruvian Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, secretary general of the United Nations, where they met with the heads of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the Inter-American Development Bank, who convinced him to follow the guidelines for economic policy set by the international financial institutions.
[18] With the funding and support of USAID, the Apoyo Institute and the Confederación Nacional de Instituciones Empresariales Privadas (CONFIEP) proposed a new economic model to be established in the 1993 Constitution of Peru.
[30] Secret videos of Montesinos paying media executives were eventually released to the public, showing Fujimori's closest advisor giving them bundles of cash in exchange for support and the firing of critical journalists.
[30] The plan's forced sterilization of vulnerable groups through the Programa Nacional de Población has been variably described as an ethnic cleansing or genocidal operation.
[5] Jocelyn E. Getgen of Cornell University wrote that the systemic nature of sterilizations and the mens rea of officials who drafted the plan proved an act of genocide.
[2] According to Peru's congressional subcommittee investigations, USAID, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the Nippon Foundation supported the sterilization efforts of the Fujimori government.
[34][35] The investigation found that as USAID funding increased for the program, more sterilizations were performed, with the investigatory board concluding that the "correlation has a causal nature, since there is information made public recently, which has revealed the global strategy defined for the last quarter of the last century by the United States government in order to obtain a decrease in the birth rate".
[35] The subcommittee cited the National Security Study Memorandum 200 and Henry Kissinger's direction to lower population growth in developing countries in order to maintain stability for United States political and economic interests.