[4] The death squads of Turkish right-wing ultranationalist groups, sometimes allied with the state, inflicted around 5,000 casualties with the motivation of acting against the resistance of the left-wing opposition.

[5] With the increase in infrastructure and transportation investments after the 1960 Coup, the urban population grew, industrialization accelerated, and workers and their families who earned a living by selling their labor became visible.

In an environment where the freedoms brought by the constitution students inclined to the Workers' Party of Turkey (Turkish: Türkiye İşçi Partisi, TİP) founded their political associations.

[6] Due to increasing political tensions and high inflation during social changes in the late 1960s and early 1970s, consumption was inhibited for all but a limited group, and unemployment rose despite the growth of the labor force and migration to Europe.

[6] With the increase in the number of students, schools and higher education institutions became gathering places for political groups on the left and right sides.

[6] In the absence of liberal solutions for countries whose main problem was development, such as Turkey, the intellectuals of the period were largely interested in the socialist model.

The Turkish Workers' Party (TİP) won 14 seats in 1965 thanks to the national remnant and gained an important place in politics.

[6] While Turkey, which is also a member of NATO, became a frontline country in the Cold War, various socialist regimes were established through coups in the south and in the Mediterranean region.

Due to this support, left-leaning writers and journalists claimed that the Idealist Hearths (Turkish: Ülkü Ocakları) were established and protected by the state in the late 60s to wage an armed struggle against the left.

The MHP used the opportunity to infiltrate state security services, seriously escalating the low-intensity civil war that had been waging between rival factions.

Demirel at first continued the coalition with the Nationalist Front, but in 1978, Ecevit came to power again with the help of some deputies who had changed party, in a controversial event called the Güneş Motel Incident.

The deputy undersecretary of the MİT, Nihat Yıldız, was demoted to the London consulate and replaced by a lieutenant general as a result.

Before the 1980 military coup, the majority of violent clashes were between leftist and rightist groups, though the separatist attacks against the Turkish forces increased afterwards.

[13] After becoming increasingly involved in political activism after its foundation in 1978, the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) led by Abdullah Öcalan would rise quickly to be one of the major separatist actors.

One way of involving a larger number of people in its activities was to include women, which challenged the traditional gender relations in the country.

[14] Following the ongoing political violence of the 1970s and the Turkish parliament's inability to form a stable government and fulfil its function as legislative, the 12 September Military Coup brought Kenan Evren to power.

The National Security Council became responsible for the close monitoring of society, aimed at those who participated in any form of state resistance in the 1970s.

A culture of mutual denunciation was developed among the citizenry and the formation of organisations banned, leading to a nationwide atmosphere of social anxiety and polarization into two groups: those who were innocent and those who were guilty.

However, with the 24th January Decisions, real wages dropped significantly and the establishment of small businesses was hampered, whereas the way was paved for larger corporations, new networks of exportation and multinational organisations.

Terrorist attacks have had an impact on human and physical capital, and what the state spent on countering the movement shifted spendings from the infrastructure and development of the region to the defence.