The Black May uprising, in 1992, lead to more reform when promulgating the 1997 constitution aiming to create checks and balance of powers between strengthened government, separately elected senators, and anti-corruption agencies.

[8] Research shows that the cost of bureaucratic corruption alone in 2018 amounted up to a 100 billion Thai baht, with state officials at various levels embezzling funds from large and small governmental projects.

Thailand's foreign policy includes support for ASEAN and it has developed increasingly close ties with the organisation's other members, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Brunei, Laos, Cambodia, Burma, and Vietnam.

[18] Following the Siamese revolution of 1932, which imposed constitutional limits on the monarchy, Thai politics were dominated for around fifty years by a military and bureaucratic elite, with the support of businessmen and entrepreneurs.

Only three years later, left-wing movements were cracked down by the extremely violent suppression from right wings and ultra royalists in the 6 October 1976 massacre event, following by a coup to strengthen the monarchy and military status in the Cold War period, including increase of lèse-majesté law jail terms.

[21] Domestic and international reactions to the violence forced Suchinda to resign, and the nation once again turned to Anand, who was appointed interim prime minister until new elections were held in September 1992.

Following the defection of a coalition partner, Chuan dissolved parliament in May 1995, and the Chart Thai Party won the largest number of parliamentary seats in the subsequent election.

"[22] Despite the majority and surging popularity among rural Thais, Thaksin came under severe questioning for selling telecommunication shares to Temasek, a Singapore investor, for about 70,000 million baht without paying any tax.

Thaksin refused to publicly answer the questions of the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), a large group of middle class Thais and a coalition of anti-Thaksin protesters led by Sonthi Limthongkul.

Thaksin's government was facing mounting opposition from the urban middle classes, while continuing to remain popular in the predominantly poor and rural north and northeastern regions.

During 2006 and 2007, organized underground terrorist activities took place, including the burning numerous schools in rural areas of the north and the northeast of Thailand and the planting of bombs in ten locations in Bangkok, the latter of which killed and injured several people on New Year's Eve in 2006.

NBT, the National Broadcasting Television, the state-owned media enterprise, was openly used to counter the PAD's message, which emphasizes the overturning of the current democratic system.

Their main objective was to block any constitutional amendment aimed chiefly at reinstating Thaksin's reputation and saving the PPP from dissolution after one of its leaders was charged with electoral fraud.

Days later, Thaksin and Pojaman jumped bail and issued a statement from London announcing through Thai TV his decision to seek political asylum in the UK in an attempt to avoid what he called "biased" treatment under Thailand's current judicial system.

On 26 August 2008, 30,000 protesters, led by PAD, occupied Sundaravej's Government House compound in central Bangkok, forcing he and his advisers to work at Don Mueang International Airport.

Police issued arrest warrants for Sondhi Limthongkul and eight other PAD leaders on charges of insurrection, conspiracy, unlawful assembly and refusing orders to disperse.

One person died and 40 people were wounded in a clash which occurred when the DAAD (NohPohKoh) protesters, supported by Thaksin and the PPP moved toward PAD at about 03:00, 2 September without adequate police intervention.

Meanwhile, Thailand's army chief General Anupong Paochinda said he backed the creation of a national unity government that would include all the country's parties, and he also asked for the lifting of a state of emergency that Samak imposed on 2 September.

[53][54] On 4 October 2008, Chamlong Srimuang and rally organiser Chaiwat Sinsuwongse of the People's Alliance for Democracy were detained by the Thai police led by Col. Sarathon Pradit, by virtue of 27 August arrest warrant for insurrection, conspiracy, illegal assembly, and refusing orders to disperse (treason) against him and eight other protest leaders.

[58] On 7 October 2008, Deputy Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh resigned and admitted partial responsibility for violence due to police tear gas clearance of the blockade of the parliament, causing injuries to 116 protesters, 21 seriously.

[62] The protesters attempted to hold 320 MPs and senators as hostages inside the parliament building, cutting off the power supply, and forcing Somchai Wongsawat to escape by jumping a back fence after his policy address.

[63][64] On 26 November 2008, the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) issued a statement saying that the current crisis was a watershed moment for democracy and rule of law in Thailand.

Thai politics after the pro-Thaksin protest has so far been the stage of the two opposing factions: the Democrat Party-led government allied with their coalition partners, who also have the tacit support of the PAD, the military, and the police, against the Thaksin loyalists, the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD).

The protest movement opposed the election announcement and the PDRC stated that it would boycott the process, with Suthep calling for the appointment of an unelected council to lead the country until reforms can be implemented.

[68] In his response to the media on 27 December 2013, Thailand's army chief General Prayut Chan-o-cha did not rule out the possibility of a military coup, stating, "Whether it is going to happen, time will tell.

Deputy army spokesman Winthai Suvari provided details of the deployment of additional military personnel in areas of particular concern and a joint operation with the CMPO to ensure the safety of state officials and others.

He put in place controls on the media, imposed Internet censorship, declared a nationwide curfew, banned gatherings of five or more persons and arrested politicians and anti-coup activists, some of whom were charged with sedition and tried in military courts.

[82] On 16 July 2017, Prayut and military junta legislator issued the Crown Property law, making King Vajiralongkorn in control of the world's biggest royal fortune.

The protests were initially triggered by the dissolution of the Future Forward Party (FFP) in late February 2020 which was critical of Prayut,[87] the changes to the Thai constitution in 2017 and the country's political landscape that it gave rise to.

In November 2021, The Constitutional Court ruled that demands for reform of the Thai monarchy have abused of the rights and freedoms and harmed the state's security and ordered an end to all movements, declaring unconstitutional.