During her presence at the congress, she was head of the commissions for Women and Social Development, Economy, Banking, Finance and Financial Intelligence, Foreign Trade and Tourism, Budget and General Account of the Republic, and Housing and Construction.

Guilt is indicated for the crime of usurpation of functions in the search of the home of former presidential adviser Vladimiro Montesinos when the vladivideos scandal occurred.

In the presidential vote, party leader Keiko Fujimori was defeated again by a small margin, gaining 49.88% in the runoff against Pedro Pablo Kuczynski of the Peruvians for Change with 50.12%.

[30] According to Luis Barboza, Finding inconsistencies, the case would go to the commission of identity infringements, where eventually they could impose a sanction on the party that leads the presidential candidate.

"[31] On the other hand, the National Elections Jury indicated the exclusion of Vladimiro Huaroc because delivered food and water to Satipo, which is prohibited in article 42 of the current party law.

Effective collaborator Jorge Barata, Odebrecht representative in Peru, revealed that he held meetings with former presidential candidate Keiko Fujimori during the 2011 election campaign.

[32] In November 2017, Peruvian prosecutors traveled to Brazil, where they heard Marcelo Odebrecht's testimony of having provided money for Keiko's campaign, although pointing out that Barata was the only one who could confirm the exact amount.

He also revealed that the initials AG that appear on his agenda referred to former President Alan García, who was very interested in Odebrecht winning the tender for the South Peruvian gas pipeline, among other works.

[34] At that time, Fujimorismo, through its then-congressman Daniel Salaverry, filed a constitutional complaint against the prosecutor of the Nation Pablo Sánchez for allegedly not having initiated investigations against several Peruvian companies that are Odebrecht partners, which, in his view, contrasted with the open process against Keiko.

The remaining 200,000 dollars would have been given as a result of a meeting of businessmen called by Briceño, a union that was oriented by the Fujimori candidacy, fearful that the left-wing nationalist Ollanta Humala would win the presidency.

[38] In September 2018, the newspaper El Comercio de Lima reported encrypted emails exchanged between Jorge Barata, former head of Odebrecht in Peru, and Luiz Antonio Mameri, former business leader of the construction company for Latin America and Angola, which would confirm the money contributions illegal to the electoral campaigns of Ollanta Humala and Keiko Fujimori in 2011.

[39] On 10 October 2018, Judge Richard Concepción Carhuancho, at the request of prosecutor José Domingo Pérez, ordered the preliminary detention for ten days of Keiko Fujimori along with 19 other people (including Jaime Yoshiyama and Augusto Bedoya), within the framework of investigations for money laundering allegedly occurred in the 2011 election campaign.

Months ago, a recording of the CNM Audios case had been revealed, where Supreme Judge César Hinostroza was heard coordinating with an unidentified third party about a meeting with a "Mrs. K… force number 1".

[41] However, a few days later, the prosecutor Pérez formalized the preparatory investigation and requested 36 months of preventive detention for Keiko and 11 other people involved for alleged money laundering (including Jaime Yoshiyama, his nephew Jorge Yoshiyama, Vicente Silva Checa, Augusto Bedoya, Ana Herz and Pier Figari), a request that was evaluated by Concepción Carhuancho himself.

Regarding the need to apply preventive detention, the prosecutor argued the existence of the danger of impeding judicial work on the part of the accused, taking advantage of her position as political leader.

In this regard, he mentioned as evidence a series of chats of private conversations by Telegram (called La Botica) where members of the Fujimori Congressional caucus are read to agree to discredit the prosecutor.

Regarding these events, one of the protected witnesses confirmed that Mrs. K mentioned in one of the CNM Audios was Keiko herself, who was seeking to obtain favors from Judge Hinostroza in the Cocktails Case.

Another support for the preventive detention was the discovery at the home of Vicente Silva Checa, an advisor to Keiko Fujimori and a former Montesinista, of documents related to the Lava Jato Commission of Congress, as well as notes on the legal strategy of Popular Force, indications that there had been a purpose from the top leadership of said party to hinder the development of the process.

After accepting the tax thesis that accused him of being the head of an alleged criminal organization within his party that laundered a million dollars delivered by Odebrecht in 2011, and considering that there was a risk that he would obstruct the process, the judge issued 36 months of preventive prison for Keiko Fujimori.

In the following days, Judge Concepción Carhuancho continued evaluating the legal situation of the rest of those involved, against whom he also ordered preventive detention for 36 months for alleged money laundering.

[45] As there were many protected witnesses who admitted that the dozens of alleged donations of money for Keiko's electoral campaign were fraudulent, the prosecutor Pérez expanded the investigation and summoned 500 people to answer if they had in fact been real contributors.

In January 2020, the tribunal decided, four votes to three, to grant her habeas corpus on the grounds that the preventative detention sentence was invalid for its violation of her liberty.