Preman (Indonesian gangster)
[2] While associated with brigandage and theft, Indonesian crime syndicates have periodically acted as enforcers to maintain authority and order.
[4][5] The word jago literally means a rooster and refers to a type of strongman that exists as a part of the everyday life in urban and rural areas of Indonesia.
In Indonesian popular culture, the jago is often romanticized as a champion of the people whose acts of violence are motivated by a deep sense of justice, honour and order.
This word originated from the Dutch word vrijman (free man) showing the roots of the social group during the Dutch colonial era; as Loren Ryter states, "the ambiguity of the term is best understood by thinking of the preman as a kind of privateer, an interpretation true to the colonial roots of the term vrijman, or free man.
[3]: 340 Due to their image as thugs, the preman in rural Java were very much despised by the locals, while Jago were highly praised as heroes.
[3]: 336 The preman, as intermediaries, were important in filling in the ideological gap between cultural ideals and the political realities of the governing society.
These rebellions "sought to realize a fundamental, spiritually-based change in the ordering of the world and they looked to a leader with allegedly supernatural characteristics".
In a colonial regime whereby many of the indigenous population had already been disarmed, the preman were the only ones who possessed the skills to use offensive weapons necessary for a credible revolt.
However, the attack failed and Dutch repression was effective in crippling the Batavia PKI and in driving the city's gangs back into the underworld.
The need to keep in touch with the masses made the Jakarta's underworld an attractive partner as they helped in ensuring the popular credentials of the nationalist leaders.
[2]: 33–35 The Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies gave the Jakarta underworld opportunities offered by the major political change.
[2]: 41 However, the underworld's position was challenged indirectly by the Japanese's construction of a rival institution in the form of Pembela Tanah Air (PETA).
[2]: 51 The local breakdown of public order had given the jagos a chance to expand their power bases, but they needed to protect their positions from interlopers who might emerge during the unrest.
[12] With the declaration of independence and the involvement of the local bosses in the Republican cause, it had defined the enemy and made the distinction between the nationalist jagos and the opportunists.
Local jagos like Darip and Macem acquired an image as nationalist gangsters and this allowed them to move into a position of greater power and responsibility.
Likewise, the local jagos such as Imam Syafe'i from Senen found the API a convenient instrument to further their personal and political ambitions.
Local jago, Haji Darip, was considered more attractive as an ally for possessing a consignment of weapons from the East Javanese leader, Dr Moestopo.
Partly on goals to improve its international standing, the Republican state grew increasingly hostile towards criminal elements in the country.
[2] : 88 : 95 Their decline was also due to the failures of the local jagos to find new opportunities for lucrative criminal activities such as the trade of illegal drugs or alcohol in the revolutionary environment of Indonesia at the time.
Under the pressure of the Dutch attacks, Panji, the son-in-law of infamous local boss, Haji Darip, became part of HAMOT (Hare Majesteit's Ongeregelde Troepen, Her Majesty's Irregular Troop).
These small units took up names such as Pasukan Siluman (Ghost Squad), Srigala Hitam (Black Jackal), Pemotong Leher (Neck Cutters) and Garuda Putih (White Eagle).
They also used the tactic of intimidation by spreading posters bearing the following words: Those who have become the henchman of the Nica and the Nica-appointed lurahs and their deputies must be killed also those sons of Indonesia who serve in the Dutch forces and the police.
This guerrilla warfare, although successful only in preventing the Dutch administration re-establishment n the region, faced the problem of choosing a framework for their struggle.
Fractious local politics, inadequate law enforcement, and the driving forces of poverty and unemployment have transformed post-Suharto Indonesia into a "preman's paradise."
Premans now can be found in both street corner gangs and in mass organisations with thousands of members whereby their leaders often have close connections with the political elites.
[8]: 192–193 Premans were also associated to political thuggery[15]: 199 whereby several youth gangs and local thugs were employed by the military as a part of the bloody anti-communist purges.
[6]: 10 These premans was also known as gali (gabungan anak liar, gangs of wild children) who became an important part of the repressive strategies pursued by the state.
[15]: 202 These local premans were employed as provocateurs by figures such as Ali Murtopo, the head of Special Operations (Operasi Khusus, Opsus) during the Malari riots in Jakarta.
Similar to their situation during the revolution, this period had brought profound benefits to the premans by making use of the disorder of the 'new order' to their advantage.
The aftermath of petrus saw an increasing number of thugs and gangsters joining the different nationalist and youth organizations like Pemuda Pancasila.
