[6][7][8] Delfim Neto, his Minister of Finance, told IstoÉ magazine:When Geisel was elected, his problem basically was: "What are they going to say about me if I run a government that's worse than Médici's?".
[9]In the two elections that were held during the Médici government, ARENA, the party that supported the military dictatorship, was largely victorious, winning 19 senators against 3 for the MDB in 1970, and almost all the mayors and councillors in Brazil in 1972.
The three most important ministers in his government were Delfim Neto, who was in charge of the economy, João Leitão de Abreu, the political coordinator, and Orlando Geisel, responsible for combating subversion.
[11][12] Record economic growth, low inflation and development projects such as the Programa de Integração Nacional (English: National Integration Program - PIN), which allowed for the construction of the Santarém-Cuiabá, Perimetral Norte, Trans-Amazonian highways and the Rio-Niterói Bridge, as well as major tax incentives for industry and agriculture, were the most notable aspects of the period.
[17][18] The Médici government spent millions of cruzeiros on propaganda to encourage patriotism in support of the military dictatorship and created the slogan Brasil, ame-o ou deixe-o ("Brazil, love it or leave it").
In 1969, when the National Congress was reopened by order of Médici, the government leader, Daniel Krieger, resigned and was replaced by Senator Filinto Müller, a former participant and deserter from the Prestes Column, former police chief of Rio de Janeiro during the Estado Novo (responsible for arresting Olga Benário Prestes on orders from Getúlio Vargas) and former leader of the PSD in the Senate during the Juscelino Kubitschek government.
[37][38] Communist guerrilla Mário Alves de Souza Vieira, a communications specialist at the Lenin School in the Soviet Union, was the first to go missing, on January 17, 1970.
Between April 11 and 12, 1968, "favourable to an armed struggle strategy", he founded the Revolutionary Brazilian Communist Party, whose inaugural resolution foresaw "the outbreak of urban and rural guerrilla warfare".
In September 1969, the US ambassador Charles Burke Elbrick was captured by members of the National Liberation Action (ALN) and the 8th October Revolutionary Movement (MR-8), two of the main armed groups opposed to the dictatorial regime.
The logistics of the abductions revealed the offensive ability of the armed groups and forced the military regime to intensify its persecution and repression of those who opposed the dictatorship, acting violently, killing, torturing and annihilating any resistance once and for all.
[43][44] In December 1971, Médici visited the United States, where he was welcomed with a one-night stay at Camp David without the host present, two meetings with Nixon and a lunch with the vice-president.
The Brazilian government rushed to draw up the treaty with Paraguay without the participation of Argentina, which, based on technical reports, claimed that the site chosen for the dam would prevent it from taking full advantage of the Yucumã Falls.
[47][48] In April, during Paraguayan President Alfredo Stroessner's official visit to Brazil, the two countries signed the treaty establishing the Itaipu Binacional Company to build and operate the dam.
[50][51] Minister Gibson Barbosa concluded negotiations with Bolivia for the construction of a gas pipeline between Santa Cruz de la Sierra and Paulínia.