Montenegro gained Grahovo, Rudine, Nikšić, more than half of Drobnjaci, Tušina, Uskoci, Lipovo, Upper Vasojevići, and part of Kuči and Dodoši tribal regions.

Montenegro also gained the towns of Nikšić, Kolašin, Spuž, Podgorica, Žabljak, Bar, as well as access to the sea.

Minor border skirmishes excepted, diplomacy ushered in approximately 30 years of peace between the two states until the deposition of Abdul Hamid II.

[5] The political skills of Abdul Hamid and Nikola I played a major role on the mutually amicable relations.

It also stated rules, protected privacy and banned warring on the Austrian Coast (Bay of Kotor).

Prince Nikola I was the longest reigning of all the Balkan dynasties, and by many perceived as the most experienced diplomat and politician.

On the other hand, there was a growing population of dissatisfied young people, educated mainly abroad, who saw his rule as absolutistic and autocratic.

Gathered in Belgrade, where they had support from certain political parties, they were demanding the reorganisation of government administration, constitutionalisation and the introduction of parliament.

These primitive forms of nobility were mainly old and conservative, but due to their own personal antagonisms towards the prince or because of their own political ambitions, they sided with those demanding modernisation.

For years, Nikola I and his defenders argued that Montenegrin society was not sufficiently evolved to understand the significance of constitutional monarchy.

Moreover, they argued that the introduction of parliamentarism and political parties would again stir up the old feuds between clans and destabilise hard won unity.

This caused a reply from students in Belgrade in a form of text entitled "The Word of Montenegrin University Youth", in which they criticised his intentions, saying that the new constitution would be merely formal and labeling the prince as the brake which was holding back Montenegro from modernisation and prosperity.

Naturally, he did not want to give any power away or to tie his own hands in any means, so he trusted his friend Stevan Ćurčić, a conservative journalist from Serbia, with the task of writing the constitution.

Every adult male citizen has the right to be elected as MP, who hasn't been convicted and was not under any form of investigation, no matter the amount of taxes he pays.

Passive suffrage is available to every citizen older than 30, who permanently resides in Montenegro, enjoys full civil rights and pays at least 15 krones of taxes.

State Council, composed of six members, appointed by the prince, provides the role of supreme administrative court, reviews government's legal initiatives and has jurisdiction over some subjects of financial nature.

It also provided civil rights and freedom, law equality, courts jurisdiction, abolition of death penalty for purely political reasons, excluding the attempt on the life of prince or the members of the royal family.

[10] Despite all its flaws and restrictions, the Montenegrin Constitution of 1905 was an important introduction of modern liberal tendencies in European societies and of human rights and freedoms in a small patrimonial Balkan country.

It was at the time nominally Serbian Orthodox, though de jure part of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, it was largely independent.

According, however, to information officially furnished at Cettigne (Cetinje), the total number of inhabitants in 1900 was 311,564, of whom 293,527 belonged to the Orthodox Church.