Instead, for a long period from the late 17th century to 1832, Panduranga had been confined as an ad hoc client state of various Vietnamese dominions, but still maintained its faint independence.

After a Cham revolt in 1692–94 and pressures from Cham king Po Saktiraydapatih, Southern Vietnamese lord Nguyễn Phúc Chu abolished his annexation of Panduranga and revived the Champa kingdom under the byname of Trấn Thuận Thành or the Principality of Thuận Thành, effectively made it a client state of the Nguyễn domain throughout the 18th century.

Constant upheavals, social unrest, and the Tay Son rebellion in Dai Viet overthrew the ruling Nguyen and Trinh domains and Le dynasty during the late 18th century, and as long civil wars between Vietnamese factions raged, the principality of Thuận Thành continued to survive until summer 1832 when Vietnamese emperor Minh Mang annexed and incorporated the kingdom of Thuận Thành into his territory, decisively marking the final demise of the millennial Champa Kingdoms.

[10] Another Cham rebellion led by Dương Bao Lai and Diệp Mã Lăng erupted in 1746 but was quickly put down by Vietnamese garrison troops from Nha Trang.

[11] Cham Muslims who fled the Nguyen occupation and ought to continue the disrupted Cham-Malay-Islamic connection and refugees from the Vietnamese, migrating to the Mekong Delta and coastal Cambodia.

Cham-Malay settlers in Cambodia and the western corners of the Mekong Delta of the 18th century began establishing communities and religious networks around Chau Doc and Ha Tien.

[21] During the Tayson rebellion (1771–1789) as the Nguyen were overthrown, discord among the Cham elites soared, with one faction advocating for a pro-Tayson position, and one opposite arguing for pro-Nguyen.

Amid rampant instability and perturbed, he reportedly having brought many Sunni Muslim fighters (jawa-kur) from Cambodia back to Vietnam.

[28] During the latter half of the 18th century, to extend their economic capability and development on the frontiers, the Nguyen brought many Cambodian Cham émigré and Malays to settle in their military plantations (đôn điên) in the Mekong Delta, particularly at Tây Ninh and Châu Đốc.

The Cham ruling class and aristocracy, Mohamed Effendy comments, were unable to make a change that would affect their social status, were more willing to be subservient to the Vietnamese overlordship rather than endeavoring to struggle against the new order.

His ruling style is characterized by a repressive policy against foreigners (especially from Europe), and intolerance against the diversity, dissent, and minority groups in his own realm.

[44] Beginning in 1822 with the newly appointed king Po Klan Thu (r. 1822–1828),[45][46] Minh Mang began tightening his grips over Panduranga.

The peoples were overworked and exhausted cutting and transporting exotic timbers and emeralds from the highlands, building dams, ships, and infrastructures, or constructing palaces for Minh Mang.

The Vietnamese authority also expropriated Cham salt-producing and salt-derived product (i.e. fish sauces) facilities, redistributing them to Kinh businessmen.

In his acumen, Minh Mang enquired that if Panduranga was his vassal, unthinkably why did they lean to the Saigon Viceroyalty, which is against the king's favor and an act of betrayal, despite the Cham leadership had never desired such en mesonge.

[60][61] Seeing king Po Phaok The’s tribute payments and increasingly alignment to Governor Duyet, pro-Huế Cham officials secretly reported it to Minh Mang.

[62][63] Not tolerant of this, Minh Mang in early 1832 ordered the summoning of Po Thaok The, compelling Panduranga to resume payment of tributes and taxes directly to Huế.

The people suffered greatly, and wondered if thy had any future..." In August 1832, three days after the death of the Viceroy of Saigon–Le Van Duyet, who had pardoned Panduranga for four years, Minh Mang of Vietnam took the opportunity, ordering the annexation of Panduranga and held the incumbent Cham king Po Phaok The (Po Thak The) as a royal hostage in Huế palace.

[77] A Khâm Mạng (literally known as "temporary assigned") official was sent to Panduranga as the head of the new magistrate office, the supervising surrogate of Minh Mang.

It was designed to flex and oversee Minh Mang's new intolerant policies, purging Cham individuals who were suspected to be supporters of Duyet.

[78] To ensure his authoritarian framework be operational in Panduranga, Minh Mang permitted Kinh militia outside local garrisons to butcher three Cham persons every day with rewards and no repentance.

[80] In Cambodia, Minh Mang created two infantry regiments that were exclusively made up of Cham and Malay recruits, consisting of 1,600 Muslim troops, to guard his new province.

Khaṭīb Sumat, a Cambodian Cham Baruw and religious teacher who might have studied Islam in the Malaysian Peninsula, was angered hearing the news that Minh Mang had annexed Champa.

[87] The New Champa revolutionaries successfully managed to take many towns, driving off the Nguyen army, and gained control over a vast area in Central Vietnam by spring 1835.

[88] Astonishing Minh Mang reacted by ordering his troops to unleash a bloody reign of terror over Champa, aiming to intimidate the revolution's supporters.

[88] After much fightings and turbulences, Ja Thak Wa and Po War Palei were killed by the Vietnamese in May 1835, while other leaders and members of the movement either were executed or sent to slave labor camps.

[95][96] Ming Mang's successors Thieu Tri and Tu Duc reverted most of their grandfather’s policies on religious restriction and ethnic assimilation, and the Cham were reallowed to practice their religions.

[98] This resulted in increasing nationalist sentiment among the Cham and indigenous peoples of Central Vietnam that had been once brutally subjugated by Minh Mang a century ago and then felt being abused and discriminated against by the South Vietnamese government.

[99] During the Vietnam war, some Cham nationalists joined the communist NFL, and some others joined the FLC and FLHPC Front de Libeùration des Hauts Plateaux du Champa (Liberation of Highlands and Champa), later were combined into the Front Unifieù de Lutte des Races Opprimeùes (FULRO) to organize political and insurgent actions against the government of the Republic of Vietnam.

[106] The majority of Vietnam's national scholarship, largely Communist party-guided, and state media usually deny or minimize the metaphysical existence of ethnocentrism, marginalization, racial inequality, and discrimination in recent Vietnamese past and modern Vietnam, leading to the overlooked presence of widespread institutional racism against the Cham, the Khmer, and indigenous peoples, devoid of reprimand.