The area surrounding Qatna was fertile, with abundant water, which made the lands suitable for grazing and supported a large population that contributed to the prosperity of the city.

[15][16] The wadis are now dry most of the year, but during the rainy season their discharge is disproportional to the size of their valleys, suggesting that the region was much more humid and water was more abundant in the past.

[13][56] This early settlement was concentrated on the central part of the upper town; its function is unknown and it ended in the late fourth millennium BC.

[13][56] The last two centuries of the third millennium BC saw widespread disruption of urban settlements in Syria and the abandonment of many cities;[57] however, Qatna seems to be an exception, as it continued to grow.

[58] During the Early Bronze Age IV, Qatna reached a size of 25 ha (62 acres);[59] it included a dense residential quarter and facilities for the storage and processing of grains,[36] especially a large multi-roomed granary similar to the one in Tell Beydar.

[2] According to Thomas Schneider, a city named Qedem, mentioned in a controversial passage in the Story of Sinuhe dating to the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty of Egypt (early 20th century BC), is most probably to be identified with Qatna.

[71] Early in their history, Qatna and Yamhad had hostile relations;[72] Amut-piʾel I, in alliance with Yahdun-Lim and Ḫammu-Nabiḫ (probably king of Tuttul),[73] attacked the Yamhadite city of Tuba, which was a personal possession of Aleppo's royal family, and took a large booty.

[71] Later, Yahdun-Lim embarked on an expedition to the Mediterranean Sea that was used for ideological purposes, as it was meant to echo Gilgamesh's deeds; the journey likely had undeclared political motives as well, when seen in the context of the alliance with Qatna.

[74] The Mariote–Qaṭanean alliance, which was probably cemented by dynastic marriage,[note 8] must have provoked Yamhad, which supported rebellions in Mari to preoccupy Yahdun-Lim with his own problems.

[79] The many kingdoms of Amurru, which controlled the central Levantine coast between Byblos and Ugarit, bordered Qatna from the west and were counted among Išhi-Addu's vassals.

[81] Relations with Yamhad worsened during Išḫi-Addu's reign and the conflict evolved into border warfare;[74] Qatna occupied the city of Parga in the region of Hamath for a while before Sumu-Epuh retook it.

[84] After four years in the service of Qatna, Shamshi-Adad ordered his troops to return; this might have been connected to a peace treaty between Assyria and Yarim-Lim I, son of Sumu-Epuh.

", was delivered a heavy blow, but Mari's sources are silent on how the king dealt with the situation, and by the time they resumed mentioning Qatna in c. 1772 BC, Išḫi-Addu was dead and succeeded by his son Amut-piʾel II.

[84] The political and military balance in the region changed dramatically during the reign of Amut-piʾel II;[84] Shamshi-Adad I had died by about 1775 BC, and his empire disintegrated,[85] while Yasmah-Adad was removed from his throne and replaced with Zimri-Lim.

[84] Yarim-Lim I gained the upper hand and turned his kingdom into the supreme power in the Levant; Qatna was forced to respect the borders and interests of Yamhad.

[88] In a letter written to Zimri-Lim,[89] Yarim-Lim I agreed to establish peace with Qatna if Amut-piʾel II were to come by himself to Aleppo, thus acknowledging the supremacy of Yamhad; no proof can be shown for a meeting taking place between the two kings.

[93] This apparent yielding seems a mere formality as Qatna continued its aspirations for power, as became clear in its behavior during the Elamite invasion of Mesopotamia in year ten of Zimri-Lim's reign.

[96] The political and commercial importance of Qatna declined quickly during the Late Bronze Age (LB I), around 1600 BC, as a result of growing Egyptian and Mitannian influences.

The name Qedem appears in an inscription found on a fragmented gateway from Karnak dated to the reign of Thutmose mentioning a military campaign in the northern Levant.

[note 12][106] The threat of the Hittites prompted Mitanni's king to sue for peace: Artatama I approached Amenhotep II for an alliance and long negotiations started.

[112] The hypothesis of Richter is debated; a number of scholars accept it, for example Pfälzner, who suggested that the Nuhaššite king may have resided in Qatna's royal palace.

[158] The site continued to be inhabited during the Iron Age III, following the Assyrian destruction, but the settlement shrank considerably, being reduced to a village comprising the central part of the acropolis.

[176] Pfälzner, based on its architecture being suitable for containing sacred stones,[note 21] suggested that room F was the palace shrine for the cult of Betyles.

[183] Bones in the secondary burial were arranged without respect for anatomical order;[182] it is plausible to assume that the distribution process was the result of symbolic rituals that indicated the changing of the deceased's role by incorporating him or her into the group of royal ancestors.

[26] Due to its location in the middle of the trade network of the ancient world, the cultural and social landscape of the city was complex, as the inhabitants had to deal with traders and envoys who brought with them different customs from distant regions.

[199] The wall painting in Qatna's royal palace attests to contact with the Aegean region; they depict typical Minoan motifs such as palm trees and dolphins.

[201] This hybrid style of Qatna prompted Pfälzner to suggest a "craftsmanship interaction model",[200] which is based on the assumption that Aegean artists were employed in local Syrian workshops.

[202] Local workshops modeled amber in Syrian style; many pieces were found in the royal hypogeum including 90 beads and a vessel in the shape of a lion head.

[36] The countryside surrounding the city provided the key for its success in the Early Bronze Age IV; those lands were capable of supporting both agriculture and pastoralism.

[210] White horses were among Qatna's most famous exports,[214] in addition to high-quality wines,[210] woods from the nearby Lebanon mountain,[209] and goods, such as chariots, from a highly skilled craft industry.