Reactions to the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre

Notably, many Asian countries remained silent throughout the protests; the government of India responded to the massacre by ordering the state television to pare down the coverage to the barest minimum, so as not to jeopardize a thawing in relations with China, and to offer political empathy for the events.

[7] On June 6, State Council spokesman Yuan Mu held a press conference where he claimed that there had been 300 fatalities during the massacre, with no killings having occurred in Tiananmen Square itself.

The narrative presented in The Truth About the Beijing Turmoil differs significantly from the accounts of student leaders and foreign journalists, many of which are banned in China.

"[9] This contradicts the statements of student leaders, who emphasized the spontaneous nature of their decisions to join the protest and their desire to work within the political system.

[15] Footage of Liu Guogeng, who was beaten to death by protesters before being immolated, and his grieving family was shown repeatedly in government television broadcasts during June 1989.

In an informal survey, Lim showed the iconic photo of Tank Man to 100 Chinese university students; only 15 correctly identified it as being an image of Tiananmen Square.

[20] Perry Link, a Chinese language and literature scholar, writes, "The story of the massacre is banned from textbooks, the media, and all other public contexts.

"[21] In 2014, Gu Yimin, a Chinese activist, was sentenced to 18 months in prison for attempting to hold a march on the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square crackdown.

"[22] Activist groups such as the Tiananmen Mothers have faced intense government surveillance for their attempts to hold the CCP accountable for the losses of their family members.

"From August 7th to September 1st 1989 the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities (a part of the Commission on Human Rights) met in Geneva for its thirty-seventh meeting.

"[31] Li also stated that the "Spokesman of the Foreign Ministry of the People's Republic of China issued a statement on 2 September 1989, solemnly declaring the firm objection of the Chinese Government to the resolution and deeming it to be illegal and null and void.

In the letter Li reaffirms the position of the Chinese Government toward the resolution and that "actions to put an end to the turmoil and quell the rebellion were justified and legitimate.

"[31] The CCP, under the leadership of Premier Li Peng and Party General Secretary Jiang Zemin, sought to minimize the impact of the Tiananmen Square Massacre on China's international image.

They gave multiple "reassuring public speeches"[72] in an attempt to avoid the loss of Most Favoured Nation trade status with the United States as well as to alter the opinion of overseas Chinese.

[72] Many overseas Chinese, however, view the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre as yet another example of communist repression in a long string of similar incidents.

[76] But many Hong Kong denizens continued to protest the crackdown in the PRC, calling for unity with the Chinese people in fighting for democracy.

While many in Taiwan also protested the CCP's handling of the 4 June crackdown, going so far as to stage a "hands across the island"[77] demonstration, there seemed to be an ambivalence to the events in China.

Chou Tien-Jui, publisher of a weekly news magazine called The Journalist commented that "people in Taiwan think that Tiananmen Square is very far away.

[78] ROC President Lee Teng-hui issued a statement on 4 June commenting that "although [the Taiwanese government] anticipated this mad action of the Chinese communists beforehand, it still has moved us to incomparable grief, indignation and shock".

Allan Chan, from the University of Calgary, commented that the government action was inevitable because "the students tried to push too hard ... [and that] you can't change a whole society overnight".

[74] Yan Xiaoqiao, a PhD chemistry student enrolled in Simon Fraser University, said "today is one of the darkest days in Chinese history".

[74] Many of the Chinese foreign exchange students studying in Canada opted to apply for permanent residency in the aftermath of 4 June rather than return to China.

Using tactics similar to those used by the university students in Beijing, 1,000 protesters took to Granville Street in Vancouver, British Columbia and marched to the Chinese Consulate.

The Vancouver Sun reported that protesters wore black armbands, carried banners with slogans like "Li Peng, you are a beast!"

Broadbent called for the immediate withdrawal of the Canadian Ambassador in China and an emergency debate of the crisis by the United Nations Security Council.

The exhibition displayed different media sources such as videos, images, news clippings, and included discussions for a replica of the Beijing students, 'Goddess of Democracy'.

[91] Others like the Chinese Benevolent Association's president, Bill Yee, defended their National Day celebration, arguing that it was rooted in a 30-year-old tradition.

[91] As veterans of the 4 June movement settled into lives in their adopted countries, some, like Wang Dan, chose to continue the fight against the CCP.